Sobriety checkpoints: evidence of effectiveness is strong, but use is limited

There is substantial and consistent evidence from research that highly publicized, highly visible, and frequent sobriety checkpoints in the United States reduce impaired driving fatal crashes by 18% to 24%. Although checkpoints are not conducted in 13 states for legal or policy reasons, there is strong evidence that if conducted appropriately, checkpoints would save lives in the other states. However, a recent survey of checkpoint use has demonstrated that despite the efforts of the U.S. Department of Transportation to encourage checkpoint use through publications, providing funds for equipment, and for officer overtime expenses, only about a dozen of the 37 states that conduct checkpoints do so on a weekly basis. The survey found that lack of local police resources and funding, lack of support by task forces and citizen activists, and the perception that checkpoints are not productive or cost effective are the main reasons for their infrequent use. This article discusses each of these problems and suggests a method for local communities to implement checkpoints without depending on state or federal funds. Low-staffing sobriety checkpoints conducted by as few as three to five officers have been shown to be just as effective as checkpoints conducted by 15 or more officers. A modified sobriety checkpoint program using passive alcohol sensors ("PASpoints") can be implemented by small- to moderate-sized communities in the United States to deter impaired driving. If implemented in a majority of communities, this strategy has a potential level of effectiveness similar to the high level achieved by several Australian states in their random breath-test (RBT) programs. The PASpoint system calls for a small group of three to five officers on traffic patrol duty to converge on a preset site and conduct a mini-checkpoint, returning to their standard patrol duties within two hours. Within this framework, the PASpoint operation would become a standard driving under the influence (DUI) enforcement technique regularly used within the community's jurisdiction. As a standard traffic enforcement activity, the cost would be covered by the normal enforcement budget.     

A community driving under the influence (DUI) study of declining arrests

Abstract

Objective: Recent news reports in 2016 indicated that across Miami–Dade County, Florida, driving under the influence (DUI) arrests have decreased substantially. The objective of this research was to determine the reasons for the decline in DUI arrests from 2009 to 2016. Are there fewer impaired drivers on the roads? Can DUI enforcement and prosecution be improved?

Methods: The following methods were used in this study: (1) Analysis of existing DUI arrest and crash data; (2) conducting and analysis of a telephone survey of reported knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors concerning impaired driving; (3) conducting and analysis of roadside surveys on the roads on weekend nights in Miami–Dade County; (4) information from focus group discussions with police and prosecutors in Miami–Dade County; and (5) a comprehensive review of the best DUI prevention practices and enforcement strategies used across the country.

Results: DUI arrests decreased 64% in Miami–Dade County between 2009 and 2016. This was a significantly larger decrease than has occurred in the State of Florida as a whole (34%) and in the United States (29%) over the same time period. The decline was not due to any decline in DUI behavior in the county.

Conclusions: Based upon the data and information gathered in this project, the following actions were recommended for Miami–Dade County: (1) County police chiefs need to find ways to overcome law enforcement apathy toward DUI enforcement and persuade their traffic enforcement officers to be proactive rather than reactive when it comes to identifying and making impaired driving stops. (2) County police agencies should join forces to conduct more sobriety checkpoints. Checkpoints are safer for both the police and the drivers going through them and serve as a general deterrent to impaired driving. (3) An interagency DUI task force or team of 5 to 7 officers should be established within the county. These officers would be solely dedicated to DUI enforcement and paid for by each individual agency or under a grant from the state or federal government.     

Low-manpower checkpoints: can they provide effective DUI enforcement in small communities?

OBJECTIVE: Sobriety checkpoints can be effective in reducing alcohol-impaired driving. Checkpoints are underutilized, however, partially because police believe a large number of officers are required. This study evaluated the feasibility and impact of conducting small-scale checkpoints in rural communities. METHODS: Law enforcement agencies in two counties agreed to conduct weekly checkpoints for one year. Two nonadjacent counties did not undertake additional checkpoints. Evaluation included public-awareness surveys and roadside surveys (including blood alcohol concentration [BAC] measurements) of weekend nighttime drivers. RESULTS: Relative to drivers in the comparison counties, the proportion of drivers in the experimental counties with BACs >0.05% was 70% lower. Drivers surveyed at driver's license offices in the experimental counties after program implementation were more likely to report seeing or passing through a checkpoint and were more aware of publicity on driving under the influence (DUI) enforcement. CONCLUSIONS: Small rural communities can safely and effectively conduct low-staff sobriety checkpoints on a weekly basis. Such programs can be expected to result in large reductions in drivers operating at higher BACs.     

Sobriety checkpoint and open container laws in the United States: Associations with reported drinking-driving

Objective: The objective of this study was to assess how 2 types of drinking-driving laws—permitting sobriety checkpoints and prohibiting open containers of alcohol in motor vehicles—are associated with drinking-driving and how enforcement efforts may affect these associations.

Methods: We obtained 2010 data on state-level drinking-driving laws and individual-level self-reported drinking-driving from archival sources (Alcohol Policy Information System, NHTSA, and Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System). We measured enforcement of the laws via a 2009 survey of state patrol agencies. We computed multilevel regression models (separate models for each type of law) that first examined how having the state law predicted drinking-driving, controlling for various state- and individual-level covariates; we then added the corresponding enforcement measure as another potential predictor.

Results: We found that states with a sobriety checkpoint law, compared with those without a law, had 18.2% lower drinking-driving; states that conducted sobriety checks at least monthly (vs. not conducting checks) had 40.6% lower drinking-driving (the state law variable was not significant when enforcement was added). We found no significant association between having an open container law and drinking-driving, but states that conducted open container enforcement, regardless of having a law, had 17.6% less drinking-driving.

Conclusion: Our results suggest that having a sobriety checkpoint law and conducting checkpoints as well as enforcement of open containers laws may be effective strategies for addressing drinking-driving.     

Alcohol-impaired driving in the United States: contributors to the problem and effective countermeasures

Objective: To review the effectiveness of current countermeasures in alcohol-impaired driving. Method: This article provides an overview of the contributors to the alcohol-impaired driving problem in the United States and reviews the effectiveness of alcohol-impaired driving countermeasures. Results: Many effective countermeasures have been used during the past few decades both to deter drivers from driving when they are over the legal limit for alcohol and to discourage driving while intoxicated (DWI) offenders from reoffending once they have been caught and convicted. In recent years, greater attention has been given to the problem of "hardcore" drinking drivers, a term coined to refer to those who repeatedly drive with high blood alcohol concentrations and are resistant to changing their behavior. Although such individuals are a legitimate target for attention, focusing predominantly on this group will result in missed opportunities to address a large portion of alcohol-impaired driving crashes. This article provides a review of the primary countermeasures that have been used to reduce alcohol-impaired driving and summarizes evidence for their effectiveness. It asks the question of where, in an environment of limited resources, attention should be focused. Conclusions: General deterrent approaches, such as frequent and highly publicized sobriety checkpoints, have the greatest potential to save lives and should be the mainstay of state and local efforts. Specific deterrent approaches, aimed at deterring DWI offenders from reoffending, such as alcohol ignition interlocks, should be applied to all apprehended drivers, whatever their drinking history. Evidence suggests that they could benefit from them. In the future, advanced in-vehicle technologies that would prevent vehicles from being driven when their drivers are over the legal limit may hold the key to drastically reducing the alcohol-impaired driving problem.     

The accuracy of estimating the sobriety of drinking drivers

The mere act of driving with a blood alcohol level (BAL) of 10% + is punishable in many states. In addition, under the so-called dram shop law the proprietor of an establishment or a host at a private party at which liquor is served to a person who subsequently commits an alcohol-related offense may be prosecuted and held liable for damages incurred by that individual. It is apparent that an increasingly larger number of law enforcement personnel and private citizens will be required to Judge the sobriety of others. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the accuracy of such estimates. BAL data were obtained from 1,115 drivers at a roadside survey during which each interviewer was required to estimate the sobriety of the driver. At highway patrol sobriety checkpoints the number of drivers arrested was compared with the number of drivers in the sample estimated to possess BALs of .10% or higher. Both sources correctly identified approximately 21% of those drivers with BALs of .10% or higher.     

Policing the drunk driver: measuring law enforcement involvement in reducing alcohol-impaired driving

INTRODUCTION: With many thousands of deaths still annually attributable to driving under the influence (DUI), it remains imperative that we continually address the problem of producing and sustaining effective countermeasures, and that we subject these efforts to empirical scrutiny. This article presents relevant findings from state-wide datasets. RESULTS: A formula generating a potentially useful metric for assessing aspects of the DUI prosecutorial chain is presented, focusing on the rate of proactive DUI arrests. While in need of cautious interpretation due to issues of inherent inaccuracies in large databases, small numbers of crashes and/or arrests in multiple jurisdictions, and the lack of replication in other states, the analyses show no relationship between the level of DUI arrest activity and DUI-related crashes. This finding brings into question the efficacy of the many millions of dollars devoted each year to targeted DUI enforcement, as it is currently being implemented. CONCLUSIONS: Results are discussed in terms of developing adequate disincentives to DUI so as to raise general deterrence via dramatic increases in proactive DUI enforcement and then engaging in pervasive and persistent social marketing of such efforts to maximize the perception that arrest and punishment for DUI is always imminent, that penalties will be swift, certain, and severe. It is echoed that accurate data need to be collected at all levels of the DUI arrest and prosecution process in every jurisdiction within a state, so as to facilitate the empirical assessment of countermeasure efficacy in reducing alcohol-related crashes. IMPACT ON INDUSTRY: Given that this work needs to be replicated, the impact on the traffic safety industry is potentially huge. The present data indicate that law enforcement efforts to further abate DUI-related crashes are apparently ineffective, though likely necessary to maintain reductions achieved in the 80s and early 90s. Thus, to attain additional systematic reductions, a dramatic increase in enforcement will be necessary as will a diversification of abatement efforts, including an increase in aggressive social marketing tactics to positively impact our traffic safety culture by making DUI universally unacceptable (for a discussion of this latter issue and on the use of positive reinforcement to change driver behavior, see Dula & Geller, 2007).     

Field Evaluation of the PAS III Passive Alcohol Sensor

Passive alcohol sensors (PAS) are screening devices designed to sample nonintrusively the ambient air around a driver's mouth to determine the presence of alcohol. Studies have shown that PAS devices can aid police officers in the identification of unpaired drivers, particularly at sobriety checkpoints. Data from a 1996 nationwide survey, in which 5,392 drivers were evaluated for alcohol using both the PAS III (a passive sensor housed in a flashlight) and evidential breath test devices, have allowed the determination of appropriate criteria at various blood alcohol concentrations (BAC) for detecting impaired drivers in the field. Using the appropriate criteria, the PAS III can identify about 75% of the drivers with BACs at or above 0.10%, and 70% at or above 0.08%. This is a vast improvement over the 40-50% detection rate currently achieved by police officers at checkpoints not using sensors. Using the PAS III few drivers would be identified inappropriately. At the criterion recommended for detecting BACs at or above 0.08%, about 14% of drivers with BACs of 0.02-0.05% would be incorrectly identified as having a higher BAC. Field studies have shown that when police officers rely on observation alone about 20% of drivers with low BACs are detained for further evaluation. More widespread use of passive sensors by police officers would aid in the detection of drinking drivers. Sensors also could provide an additional deterrent to the general public if they believe that when stopped by the police after drinking they will be detained for further evaluation.     

The impact of retail beverage service training and social host laws on adolescents' DUI rates in San Diego County,California

Introduction: Driving under the influence (DUI) citations are still a serious concern among drivers aged 16–20 years and have been shown to be related to increased risk of fatal and nonfatal crashes. A battery of laws and policies has been enacted to address this concern. Though numerous studies have evaluated these policies, there is still a need for comprehensive policy evaluations that take into account a variety of contextual factors. Previous effort by this research team examined the impact of 20 minimum legal drinking age–21 laws in the state of California, as they impacted alcohol-related crash rates among drivers under 21 years of age while at the same time accounting for alcohol and gas taxes, unemployment rates, sex distribution among drivers, and sobriety checkpoints. The current research seeks to expand this evaluation to the county level (San Diego County). More specifically, we evaluate the impact of measures subject to county control such as retail beverage service (RBS) laws and social host (SH) laws, as well as media coverage, city employment, alcohol outlet density, number of sworn officers, alcohol consumption, and taxation policies, to determine the most effective point of intervention for communities seeking to reduce underage DUI citations.

Methods: Annual DUI citation data (2000 to 2013), RBS and SH policies, and city-wide demographic, economic, and environmental information were collected and applied to each of the 20 cities in San Diego County, California. A structural equation model was fit to estimate the relative contribution of the variables of interest to DUI citation rates.

Results: Alcohol consumption and alcohol outlet density both demonstrated a significant increase in DUI rates, whereas RBS laws, SH laws, alcohol tax rates, media clusters, gas tax rates, and unemployment rates demonstrated significant decreases in DUI rates.

Conclusions: At the county level, although RBS laws, SH laws, and media efforts were found to contribute to a significant reduction in DUI rates, the largest significant contributors to reducing DUI rates were alcohol and gas taxation rates. Policy makers interested in reducing DUI rates among teenagers should examine these variables within their specific communities and consider conducting community-specific research to determine the best way to do so. Future efforts should be made to develop models that represent specific communities who are interested in reducing DUI rates among drivers aged 16–20 years.     

Medical review process and license disposition of drivers referred by law enforcement in Virginia

IntroductionMedically at-risk drivers come to the attention of licensing authorities through referrals from a variety of sources, including: physicians, family members, court systems, and law enforcement. A recently sponsored project by the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration examined a training intervention for law enforcement to increase their awareness of medical conditions and medications that impair driving and the procedures for reporting these drivers in Virginia.MethodA component of this project included an evaluation of the medical review process and licensing outcomes for 100 drivers randomly selected from a pool of over 1,000 drivers referred from law enforcement officers to the Virginia Department of Motor Vehicles over a 6-month period in 2007 and 2008 prior to any training program intervention.ResultsKey findings from the evaluation of 100 drivers referred for medical review by law enforcement were as follows. Over two-thirds of the drivers came to the attention of the referring officer because they were involved in a crash. The most prevalent indications of a medical condition or functional impairment provided by law enforcement for these referrals were: loss of consciousness, blackout, or seizures (28%); disorientation, confusion, and mental disability (16%); and physical impairments (8%). Eighty-eight percent of the drivers received some type of licensing action (e.g., restriction, suspension, or periodic review). Only 12% of the referred drivers did not require any licensing action.ConclusionsLaw enforcement provides a vital role in the identification and referral of medically impaired drivers to licensing authorities for reexamination. Training programs can inform law enforcement officers of the signs of medical impairment (both on-road behavior, and physical and psychological clues once a driver has been pulled over), and procedures for reporting their observations and concern for safety to licensing authorities.Impact on IndustryReexamination of drivers with functional and medical impairments and any consequent restrictions and/or periodic reporting requirements can improve the safety and mobility of these drivers, and the motoring public as well.     

The association between enforcement and seat belt use

A statistical association is found between the number of traffic citations for belt law violations versus observed belt use. Also, belt use is higher in primary enforcement states where officers issue such citations for belt law violations alone. In secondary enforcement states officers issue such citations only after stopping motorists for another reason. Most belt laws provide for secondary enforcement. Enforcement data were confined to the highway patrol in each state (local arrest data are rarely compiled statewide). Belt use data were based on observational surveys conducted in each belt law state.     

新体制下我国安全生产执法队伍改革问题探讨

为研究探讨我国安全生产执法队伍的改革方向和政策建议,分析了2018年国家机构改革对安全生产执法队伍产生的影响,以及我国安全生产执法队伍存在的法律地位不明确、职责任务不清晰、人员数量不足等问题,介绍了美英等工业化国家安全监管执法的经验和我国5个行业领域综合执法队伍改革的政策要求。研究提出:我国安全生产执法队伍改革的大方向是“大安全综合”“检查、处罚和强制执行三权分离”的行政执法队伍体制,力量配置上主要是以设区市为主体组建市级安全生产综合执法队伍、县级执法队伍作为其派出机构实行“局队合一”体制。     

Delays in DUI blood testing: Impact on cannabis DUI assessments

Objective: This study examined the time from law enforcement dispatch to the first blood draw in cases of driving under the influence (DUI) vehicular homicide and a subset of DUI vehicular assault cases in Colorado in 2012. Laboratory toxicology results were also examined to understand the implications of delays in blood draws in cases of driving while under the influence of marijuana's delta-9-tetrahydrocannabinol (THC).

Methods: Colorado court records were reviewed and information regarding charges, presence of alcohol and/or drugs, time of law enforcement contact and blood draw, crash location, and other contextual factors were identified. The distributions of first blood draw times were studied by charge and by responding law enforcement agency. Toxicology data from a different cohort of DUI traffic arrests in Colorado and Washington were examined to determine the proportion of blood tests for THC that were above specified legal limits in those states.

Results: The average time from law enforcement dispatch to blood draw in cases of vehicular homicide and vehicular assault was 2.32 h (SD ± 1.31 h), with a range of 0.83 to 8.0 h and a median of 2.0 h. Data from DUI traffic arrests found that between 42 and 70% of all cannabinoid-positive traffic arrests tested below 5 ng/ml THC in blood, which is the legal limit in Colorado and Washington.

Conclusion: Given the current delays to blood testing in cases of arrests for vehicular homicide and vehicular assault in Colorado, many blood tests are unlikely to confirm that drivers who are impaired from smoking marijuana have THC levels above established legal limits.     

Drinking and driving and perceptions of arrest risk among California drivers: Relationships with DUI arrests in their city of residence

Objective: Addressing drinking and driving remains a challenge in the United States. The present study aims to provide feedback on driving under the influence (DUI) in California by assessing whether drinking and driving behavior is associated with the DUI arrest rates in the city in which the driver lives; whether this is due to perceptions that one can get arrested for this behavior; and whether this differed by those drivers who would be most affected by deterrence efforts (those most likely to drink outside the home).

Methods: This study consisted of a 2012 roadside survey of 1,147 weekend nighttime drivers in California. City DUI arrest rates for 2009–2011 were used as an indicator of local enforcement efforts. Population average logistic modeling was conducted modeling the odds of perceived high arrest likelihood for DUI and drinking and driving behavior within the past year.

Results: As the DUI arrest rates for the city in which the driver lives increased, perceived high risk of DUI arrest increased. There was no significant relationship between either city DUI arrest rates or perceived high risk of DUI arrest with self-reported drinking and driving behavior in the full sample. Among a much smaller sample of those most likely to drink outside the home, self-reported drinking and driving behavior was negatively associated with DUI arrests rates in their city of residence but this was not mediated by perceptions.

Conclusion: The results of the present study suggest that perceptions are correlated with one aspect of DUI efforts in one's community. Those who were more likely to drink outside the home could be behaviorally influenced by these efforts.     

Predictors of rear seat belt use among U.S. adults, 2012

IntroductionSeat belt use reduces the risk of injuries and fatalities among motor vehicle occupants in a crash, but belt use in rear seating positions is consistently lower than front seating positions. Knowledge is limited concerning factors associated with seat belt use among adult rear seat passengers.MethodsData from the 2012 ConsumerStyles survey were used to calculate weighted percentages of self-reported rear seat belt use by demographic characteristics and type of rear seat belt use enforcement. Multivariable regression was used to calculate prevalence ratios for rear seat belt use, adjusting for person-, household- and geographic-level demographic variables as well as for type of seat belt law in place in the state.ResultsRear seat belt use varied by age, race, geographic region, metropolitan status, and type of enforcement. Multivariable regression showed that respondents living in states with primary (Adjusted Prevalence Ratio (APR): 1.23) and secondary (APR: 1.11) rear seat belt use enforcement laws were significantly more likely to report always wearing a seat belt in the rear seat compared with those living in a state with no rear seat belt use enforcement law.Conclusions and practical applicationsSeveral factors were associated with self-reported seat belt use in rear seating positions. Evidence suggests that primary enforcement covering all seating positions is an effective intervention that can be employed to increase seat belt use and in turn prevent motor vehicle injuries to rear-seated occupants.     

Graduated driver licensing restrictions: awareness, compliance, and enforcement in North Carolina

PROBLEM: This study examined the extent to which critical restrictions in North Carolina's graduated driver licensing (GDL) system are known, adhered to, and enforced. METHOD: Teenagers and their parents were recruited as they applied for either an intermediate or full license at 1 of 23 licensing offices. Telephone interviews were conducted with 900 teenagers and their parents. RESULTS: Awareness of North Carolina's night and passenger restrictions was very high among both parents and teenagers. Ten percent of teenagers reported violating the night restriction without their parents' knowledge, and 15% had done so with their parents' approval. Only 4% of parents reported allowing their teenagers to drive with more than one teenage passenger, but 19% of teenagers reported that they were allowed to do this. Violations of the passenger restriction without parental knowledge were more common than violations of the night restriction (22% vs. 10%, respectively). Among teenagers who violated restrictions without their parents' knowledge, most reported doing so only once or a few times. Teenagers expressed little concern about detection, although a majority reported driving more carefully to avoid police notice. Neither parents nor teenagers knew much about police enforcement of GDL restrictions. To obtain a sense of the views of law enforcement officers, informal interviews were conducted with 20 officers from five diverse communities and the state highway patrol. These officers were highly supportive of GDL but unfamiliar with many of the specific provisions. Moreover, enforcement of GDL restrictions did not appear to be a high priority. IMPACT ON INDUSTRY: There is a need to increase the belief among teens (and parents) that police are enforcing GDL restrictions in their community; law enforcement participation in well-publicized traffic safety enforcement efforts would likely produce this result.     

Survey regarding the 0.05 blood alcohol concentration limit for driving in the United States

Background: On May 14, 2013, the National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB) proposed that states lower the blood alcohol concentration (BAC) illegal limit from 0.08 to 0.05 g/dL (also referred to as the 0.08 law and the 0.05 limit, respectively). In March 2017, this recommendation was signed into law in the State of Utah.

Objective: The objective of this survey is to investigate perceptions regarding enforcement of the 0.05 g/dL BAC limit.

Method: Opinions of law enforcement officers, prosecutors, and defense attorneys were obtained through a series of questionnaires and focus groups.

Results: Survey data were collected from 32 law enforcement officers, 20 prosecutors, and 4 defense attorneys. The participants rated the usefulness of the NHTSA's driving while intoxicated (DWI) driving cues lower for the 0.05 limit than for the 0.08 law. Some of the participants believed that training would be needed in regard to sobriety testing under the 0.05 limit. Participants also stated that adequately preparing for prosecution of drunk drivers would be more difficult under the 0.05 limit. In addition, it was believed that drunk driving cases are more likely to be withdrawn and fewer plea agreements and guilty pleas are likely under the 0.05 limit. Prosecutors were concerned that the 0.05 limit would result in poorly investigated cases and overburden the court system. Defense attorneys were concerned about the social and economic costs of a 0.05 limit.

Discussion: Overall, it appears that the 0.05 limit is viewed as enforceable and it will save lives; however, the usefulness of the NHTSA DWI Detection Guide and of the standardized field sobriety tests need to be established for lower BACs, and efforts must be made to educate people regarding the relationship between BAC and impairment and impairment and driving with the risk of injury and death.

Conclusion: Though the 0.05 limit offers promise in saving lives, the following issues associated with changing the limit to 0.05 need to be resolved prior to implementation: Validating the sobriety tests for the 0.05 limit; if needed, modifying the sobriety tests to make them effective and valid at the 0.05 limit; and training law enforcement personnel and educating the public regarding the 0.05 limit.     

Self-reported seatbelt use,United States, 2002–2010: Does prevalence vary by state and type of seatbelt law?

ProblemMotor-vehicle crashes are a leading cause of death in the United States. Seatbelts are highly effective in preventing serious injury and death in the event of a crash. Not all states have primary enforcement of seatbelt laws.MethodsData from the 2002, 2006, 2008, and 2010 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System were used to calculate prevalence of seatbelt use by state and type of state seatbelt law (primary vs. secondary enforcement).Results and discussionSelf-reported seatbelt use among adults in the United States increased steadily between 2002 and 2010, with the national prevalence reaching 87% in 2010. Overall, seatbelt use in 2010 was 9 percentage points higher in the states with primary enforcement laws than in the states with secondary enforcement laws (89% vs. 80%). Impact on industry: Primary enforcement seatbelt laws and enhanced enforcement of seatbelt laws are proven strategies for increasing seatbelt use and reducing traffic fatalities.     

Cross-sectional study of road accidents and related law enforcement efficiency for 10 countries: A gap coherence analysis

Objective: Road crashes are considered as the eighth leading causes of death. There is a wide disparity in crash severity and law enforcement efficiency among low-, medium-, and high-income countries. It would be helpful to review the crash severity trends in these countries, identify the vulnerable road users, and understand the law enforcement effectiveness in devising efficient road safety improvement strategies.

Method: The crash severity, fatality rate among various age groups, and law enforcement strategies of 10 countries representing low-income (i.e., India and Morocco), medium-income (i.e. Argentina, South Korea, and Greece), and high-income (i.e., Australia, Canada, France, the UK, and the United States) are studied and compared for a period of 5 years (i.e., 2008 to 2012). The critical parameters affecting road safety are identified and correlated with education, culture, and basic compliance with traffic safety laws. In the process, possible road safety improvement strategies are identified for low-income countries.

Results: The number of registered vehicles shows an increasing trend for low-income countries as do the crash rate and crash severity. Compliance related to seat belt and helmet laws is high in high-income countries. In addition, recent seat belt– and helmet-related safety programs in middle-income countries helped to curb fatalities. Noncompliance with safety laws in low-income countries is attributed to education, culture, and inefficient law enforcement.

Conclusion: Efficient law enforcement and effective safety education taking into account cultural diversity are the key aspects to reduce traffic-related injuries and fatalities in low-income countries like India.