共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
Andrea Tony Hermann Karl Hogl Michael Pregernig 《Journal of Environmental Policy & Planning》2017,19(2):168-182
Scientific expertise plays an important role in the complex field of climate policy. Consequently, science–policy interactions have been institutionalized in many countries. However, science–policy arenas vary considerably across countries. Scholars mainly attribute these differences to the influence of specific political cultures. The literature has primarily compared science–policy arenas of countries with diverging political cultures, whereas comparisons of countries with similar political cultures are rare. The latter is especially true for neo-corporatist cultures. Against this background, we compare the climate science–policy arenas of three neo-corporatist countries, Austria, the Netherlands, and Switzerland. Conceptually, we draw on the literature regarding politico-cultural imprints in science–policy arenas. We operationalize national science–policy arenas along four dimensions: the knowledge actors, the organizational formats, the styles of science–policy interactions, and their transparency and visibility. Overall, the three arenas reveal many similarities and much fewer differences. Most similarities correspond to neo-corporatist patterns. However, some similarities consistently deviate from neo-corporatist patterns. Interestingly, almost all differences between the countries match national variations of neo-corporatism. In light of these observations and the specific problem structure of climate policy, we develop research questions to investigate potential explanations for correspondence to and deviation from neo-corporatist patterns. 相似文献
2.
We discuss how the EU’s Renewable Energy Directive was designed to be mobile, and how it was moved to and implemented in Finland by translating it to enhance wood-based energy production through specific subsidies. We study policy-making as a mobile process, which approach has its original roots in political science and more recent basis in political geography. The article aims to develop conceptual understanding of how the mobility of a supranational policy is generated and how a policy is translated into complex and contentious geographical contexts. We aim to show that mobility of a directive is enabled by an empty governance space which is aimed to be ‘filled in’ in each spatial context, and that the filling in process makes each translation a contentious and path-dependent process. In Finland, the selected policy tools and practices continued the path-dependent ways of favouring forestry industry’s traditional position as the primary utiliser of forest resources. 相似文献
3.
《Journal of Environmental Policy & Planning》2012,14(2):169-184
This paper shows how prevailing economic development paradigms over the last five decades have favoured an urban-based model of economic development at the expense of environmental considerations in developing countries. How the disjuncture between these competing agendas has been experienced in Egypt forms the focus of the paper. Tension between environmental and development/urbanization policies reflects their political encoding aimed at maintaining regime stability. The state has attempted to mediate between the domestic interests of an urban-based elite and the urban poor, international donor dominance of Egypt's economic and urban development strategies, and the country's limited institutional capacity to manage its developmental aspirations. In a policy configuration that buttresses macro-economic policy with urban development priorities, the unfettered role of market processes has produced vast but unregulated urban expansion with, now, increasingly severe environmental consequences. Despite attempts to reconcile the two agendas in the last decade, the paper concludes that the main issues endemic to the public policy domain in Egypt, and in many developing countries, remain: poor line ministry coordination, weak enforcement of environment law, resistance to participation, limited implementation capacity, conflicts between sectoral and cross-sectoral policy formulation, and dependency on external donors. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
4.
Is Amsterdam the “ideal city?” Many of the social, economic, and environmental problems facing Amsterdam are considerably less than those in cities in the USA, and in most cases, Western Europe. Amsterdam, at this moment in history, might be the world's greatest city because of its ability to ensure basic necessities, freedom, and creativity. Tolerance of drugs, sexual freedom, along with the integration of different races helps reduce many of the “social problems” faced by most cities. We have compared, on a per capita basis, differences between Amsterdam/Holland and the USA. The Netherlands is a tiny country, and comparisons are made on a city and per capita numbers at the national level. Our data show that Amsterdam has lower crime, murder, rape, drug usage (cocaine, marijuana), teenage pregnancy, diabetes, obesity, suicide, abortion rates, infant mortality, dependence on fossil fuels, and homelessness, and racial segregation is considerably less. People live longer because of Amsterdam's walkability and bike usage and access to parks. Indeed, the Netherlands leads both Western European and the USA in the proportion of trips made walking and bicycling, with significantly reduced car dependency. Ghettos are nearly non-existent compared with the segregation in the 1940s/1950s. Quality housing is supplied to everyone that gives pride of place compared with the stark, cold, and institutional “projects” provided by the US federal government. Amsterdam leads Western Europe by 35% in social housing, compared with runner-up UK, which has significantly less. The modernism of the 1960s where the poor were warehoused is nearly all gone. People living in Amsterdam seem more tolerant, secure, happier, and healthier compared with citizens in the USA. Great cities provide opportunities for all citizens to enhance their lives and ensure an unrivalled level of freedom. We demonstrate that social and environmental justice are tied together. Amsterdam is by no means perfect, but in comparison with many other democratic industrial cities, it is a far better place for citizens of all races, religions, and incomes. 相似文献
5.
6.
This paper examines how the concept of sustainable development is being put into practice by local policy partnership networks. We suggest that due to the highly contested nature of the concept, these networks are facing problems in trying to unravel what sustainable development actually means. Few organisations are grappling with the more fundamental implications of the concept and, as a result, policies for sustainability are being developed cheek by jowl with those of economic growth and competitiveness. Moreover, established local policy networks play a dominant role in defining a vision of sustainable development to the detriment of groups outside the policy process. Mechanisms and institutions need to be established to widen participation and debate on the issue and to draw upon lessons and ideas from organisations outside established networks, such as environmental and campaign groups, third sector organisations, community associations and socially responsible businesses. Este documento examina como el concepto de desarrollo sostenible esta siendo puesto en práctica por redes de sociedades normativas locales. Nosotros sugerimos que debido a la alta naturaleza competitiva del concepto, estas redes estan enfrentando problemas al tratar de desenredar lo que significa realmente desarrollo sostenible. Pocas organizaciones están intentando resolver las implicaciones mas fundamentals del concepto y como resultado las políticas para la sostenibilidad estan siendo desarrolladas lado a lado con esas de crecimiento económico y competitividad. Además, las redes normativas locales establecidas juegan un papel predominante en definir una visión de desarrollo sostenible para el detrimento de grupos por fuera del proceso regulador. Los mecanismos y las instituciones necesitan ser establecidos para ampliar la participación y debatir sobre el asunto y para deducir sobre lecciones e ideas tomadas de organizaciones por fuera de las redes establecidas tales como grupos ambientales y de campaña, organizaciones del tercer sector, asociaciones comunitarias y negocios socialmente responsables. 相似文献
7.
8.
Local opposition against high-voltage grids: public responses to agency-caused science–policy trolls
Øystein Aas Marte Qvenild Line Camilla Wold Gerd Blindheim Jacobsen Audun Ruud 《Journal of Environmental Policy & Planning》2017,19(4):347-359
High-voltage (hV) transmission grids are projects of societal importance that potentially have controversial social and environmental impacts. Former research shows that public opposition is sparked by the perception of negative local impacts and unjust concessionary processes. In this paper, we complement these perspectives by assessing the institutional practices of the regulatory agencies in dealing with scientific uncertainties. The regulatory agencies’ ‘ways of doing things’ are often designed to serve policy and management needs. A critical point is that the demarcation between scientifically based facts, values and assessments is often blurred in the decision-making process. This paper draws on two Norwegian case studies to investigate how the regulatory agencies dealt with (1) electromagnetic fields and health risks and (2) overhead lines versus sea cables. We argue that ambiguities and uncertainties that arise in the hV transmission line processes create ‘trolls’, and we explore how the local inhabitants and affected stakeholders in the two cases responded to these and how it triggered further opposition. By investigating how and why trolls appear and are handled, we conclude by discussing how public opposition related to hV transmission grids may be reduced – and how some ‘trolls’ may crack. 相似文献
9.
Anna R. Davies 《Local Environment》1999,4(3):295-316
Focus groups have achieved a profile in the analysis of public values unparalleled since the emergence of national opinion polls. While they have been used in a variety of public policy, academic and political settings it is their employment within the field of environmental policy, specifically the land-use planning system, that is the focus of this paper. Using evidence from empirical research it is argued that the research-policy interface of environmental focus groups and planning is currently both undertheorised and underpractised. Undertheorised in that much of the literature on focus groups concentrates on their conduct rather than how they can inform policy. Underpractised because focus group data are failing to have much impact on policy. This paper concentrates on the second of these propositions by showing that while some of the problems with quantitative public environmental values surveys can be overcome by focus groups, the nature and content of the data they produce are not easily assimilated by existing planning structures. In an era when the role of the public, in all its diversity, is being emphasised in policy circles, and collaborative projects between academia and policy communities on environmental issues are becoming increasingly commonplace, early warning signs of tensions between research findings and policy development need to be heeded. A failure to acknowledge these problems may well lead to impoverished environmental policy in planning, a further marginalisation of publics from policy processes and an unjust devaluation of the focus-group method. 相似文献
10.
《Local Environment》2013,18(4):451-465
The Brundtland report and Agenda 21 focus on the global environment and development problems. Though Norway is usually considered a pioneer with respect to sustainable development, analyses have shown that this has not been the case with respect to Local Agenda 21. Still, Norwegian municipalities have strengthened their institutional capacity on environmental policy, and have thereby strengthened their ability to follow up the recommendations in Agenda 21. Through the high-profile government-financed reform programme, Environment in the Municipalities, which ran from 1988 to 1996, a great majority of the municipalities have employed their own environmental officers, and environmental considerations have gradually obtained a footing in municipal planning. So far, however, it is the local environmental problems that have received most attention rather than global environmental and development problems. By the start of the 21st century a crucial question is, therefore, whether the growing number of Local Agenda 21 initiatives in Norway will in fact adopt the global perspectives outlined by the Brundtland report and Agenda 21, or just keep on with a 'business as usual' environmental policy approach. So far national environmental policy in Norway seems to be reluctant to face the global problems, leaving the municipalities with the great challenge of being the 'engine' in steaming up Norwegian environmental politics. 相似文献
11.
Matthew Cotton 《Local Environment》2017,22(2):185-202
The exploitation of shale gas resources is a significant issue of environmental justice. Uneven distributions of risks and social impacts to local site communities must be balanced against the economic benefits to gas users and developers; and unequal decision-making powers must be negotiated between local and central governments, communities and fracking site developers. These distributive and procedural elements are addressed in relation to UK policy, planning, regulatory and industry development. I adopt an explicitly normative framework of policy evaluation, addressing a research gap on the ethics of shale gas by operationalising Shrader-Frechette’s Principle of Prima Facie Political Equality. I conclude that UK fracking policy reveals inherent contradictions of environmental justice in relation to the Conservative Government’s localist and planning reform agendas. Early fracking policy protected communities from harm in the wake of seismic risk events, but these were quickly replaced with pro-industry economic stimulation and planning legislation that curtailed community empowerment in fracking decision-making, increased environmental risks to communities, transferred powers from local to central government and created the conditions of distributive injustices in the management of community benefit provisions. I argue that only by “re-localising” the scale of fracking governance can political equality be ensured and the distributive and procedural environmental injustices be ameliorated. 相似文献
12.
Several innovative directions for landscape policy development and implementation have emerged over recent years. These include: (i) an expansion of scope to include all landscape aspects and landscape types, (ii) an increased emphasis on public participation, (iii) a focus on designing measures appropriate for different contexts and scales, and (iv) encouraging support for capacity-building. In this paper, we evaluate the extent to which these policy directions are reflected in the practice of academic landscape research. We evaluate all research papers published in three leading landscape journals over six years, as well as published research papers relating directly to the European Landscape Convention. The latter, which was adopted in 2000, establishes a framework for landscape protection, planning and management in Europe and is to date the only international legal instrument of its kind. Results indicate that whilst policy innovations do not appear to be a major stimulus for academic research, studies nevertheless address a range of landscape aspects, types and scales (albeit with a slight bias towards bio-physical landscape aspects). However, geographical representativeness of research is weak and dominated by the United States and northern/western Europe, and research capacity likewise appears to be unevenly distributed. Landscape research is also limited in the extent to which it involves stakeholders or develops innovative methods for doing so, notwithstanding that this remains a key challenge for policy-makers. Results point to the potential for landscape research to address areas (topical and geographical) which have received little attention to date, as well as suggesting mutual benefits of stronger links between policy and academia. 相似文献
13.
Due to growing environmental challenges, the demand for effective management through pro-environmental policy measures is increasing. The effectiveness is, however, largely determined by the degree to which the policy measures are supported by the actors affected by them. A consistent finding in the literature is that ideology (or subjective positioning on the left–right dimension) affects environmental policy support, with left-leaning individuals being more pro-environmental. A major caveat with previous research is that it seldom makes a distinction between different kinds of policies. Therefore, we are concerned with investigating how different ideological positions affect attitudes towards different forms of environmental protection. Using unique survey data, we show that ideology is related to conceptions about the fairness and effectiveness of different policy tools, which in turn steer preferences. In that sense, this paper makes the discussion on the effects of ideological position on pro-environmental policy support more nuanced. 相似文献
14.
15.
Kakali Mukhopadhyay Xi Chen Paul Thomassin 《International Journal of Green Energy》2017,14(4):400-415
The Government of Canada has committed that Canada’s total greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions be reduced by 17% from 2005 levels by 2020. The new Renewable Fuels Regulations required 2% renewable content in diesel fuel and heating distillate oil and 5% for gasoline. This represents approximately 2.1 billion liters of ethanol and 600 million liters of biodiesel requirement per year, which would reduce GHG emissions by more than four million tones. Canada is expected to consume more fuel ethanol compared to its production capacity. The above mandates as well as the gap in consumption and production of biofuel will have enormous impact on the Canadian economy. In this backdrop, an input–output model of the Canadian economy is developed to estimate the macroeconomic impact of the ethanol and biodiesel production in Canada. The impacts on sectoral prices have also been calculated. Simulation exercises have been attempted to reach the mandates using modified Leontief model. Results show that agriculture sector is affected because of feedstock use in the biofuel sector. Mining and manufacturing industries also show a considerable impact. In addition, the impact on commodity prices cannot be ignored. Finally, to meet the target of Copenhagen commitment, the nation needs to revise the blending capacity of ethanol and biodiesel. 相似文献
16.
Hetty van der Stoep Noelle Aarts Adri van den Brink 《Journal of Environmental Policy & Planning》2017,19(6):697-711
Despite framing being a powerful mechanism in policy agenda setting, the planning and policy science literature does not yet devote much attention to the analysis of interactional framing processes in policy change processes. We analyse the framing processes that preceded tipping points in the mobilization of policy attention in a Dutch peri-urban region that over time managed to position the development of landscape values on the agendas of local and regional governments, despite various institutional barriers and blockages. After identifying tipping points in the agenda-setting process, and shifts in frames and coalitions, the paper discusses why these shifts occurred. Two framing mechanisms are identified: (1) framing issues, relationships, and interaction processes in conjunction with one another and (2) resemiotizing original frames to establish a fit to the self-referential frames of targeted supporters within and outside government. The conclusion is that a research focus on human interactions at the grassroots level and on the processes of meaning construction over time reveals detailed insights about why and how structural change and transitions come about. The paper concludes with some lessons for policy-makers and planners with regard to developing a more adaptive attitude to emerging initiatives in civil society. 相似文献
17.
Convergence or divergence in desertification risk? Scale-based assessment and policy implications in a Mediterranean country 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
This paper explores changes (1990–2000) in two environmental indexes with the aim of providing empirical evidence on regional and local convergence in an increasing-impact phenomenon such as Land Degradation (LD) in Italy. Convergence analysis for ESAI (Environmental Sensitive Area Index) and LVI (Land Vulnerability Index) was developed at five different geographical scales. Results indicate that territorial disparities in land vulnerability tend to increase during the investigated period following a defined spatial pattern that depends on land quality, the environmental context and the economic performance of regional systems. Finally, the implications this process has on policy strategies aimed at mitigating desertification risk are discussed. 相似文献
18.
Understanding how governments orchestrate public engagement in energy infrastructure decisions has important implications for the relationship between energy transitions, democracy and justice, but existing research is deficient in focusing mainly on single case studies. In response, we conduct a multi-sectoral, comparative analysis for the first time to assess how UK governments have engaged publics, applying a novel mapping methodology that is systematic, longitudinal and cross-technology. Moreover, our focus embraces mechanisms of consultation and support measures (e.g. community benefits) and seeks to explain patterns of change using a pragmatist sociology framework. Findings indicate trends towards a reduced scope for public engagement alongside expanded encouragement of community benefits, but also important sectoral differences. On-shore wind moved towards giving local decision-makers significant control over decisions. Gas-fired power stations experienced continuity, with central government controlling consents and limited interest in community benefits. Fracking facilities received intense promotion of community benefits, alongside incremental moves to restrict local decision-making. We argue that the patterns observed reflect government beliefs about the scope for depoliticisation in concrete situations, in which the conjunction of technologies, sites and publics affects how and whether arrangements for public engagement change. These results raise challenges for how researchers seek to connect energy transitions and democracy. 相似文献
19.
John Turnpenny Måns Nilsson Duncan Russel Andrew Jordan Julia Hertin Björn Nykvist 《Journal of Environmental Planning and Management》2008,51(6):759-775
Widely advocated as a means to make policy making more integrated, policy assessment remains weakly integrated in practice. But explanations for this shortfall, such as lack of staff training and resources, ignore more fundamental institutional factors. This paper identifies institutional capacities supporting and constraining attempts to make policy assessment more integrated. A comparative empirical analysis of functionally equivalent assessment systems in four European jurisdictions finds that there are wide-ranging institutional constraints upon integration. These include international policy commitments, the perception that assessment should support rather than determine policy, organisational traditions, and the sectorisation of policy making. This paper concludes by exploring the potential for altering these institutions to make policy assessment more integrated. 相似文献
20.
This study investigates the relationship between characteristics of environmental policy statements and the reputations of ISO 14001 registrars who had performed certification audits of firms operating in mainland China. Three characteristics of environmental policy statements were examined: (1) The conformance of the policy to strict interpretations of the international standard; (2) The policy statement's adherence to the good practice guidelines specified in ISO 14004; and, (3) Self-reported evaluations of the policy statement's effectiveness as implemented. Data from 106 facilities in Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou reveal that registrar quality has a relatively weak, positive relationship with conformance to both ISO 14001 standards and to ISO 14004 guidelines, but no relationship was observed with the self-reported data. Additional findings are that the use of foreign registrars is significantly associated with the adoption of ISO 14004 guidelines and that conformance with ISO 14001 standards is somewhat higher for international joint ventures and foreign-owned firms than for state-owned enterprises. 相似文献