Forfeiture programs in California: why so few?

PROBLEM: It is estimated that at least 75% of suspended or revoked drivers continue to drive illegally. In states like California, there are also a substantial and growing number of people who drive without ever having been licensed. Some states, such as Ohio and California, have enacted vehicle impoundment and forfeiture programs as sanctions to reduce these offenses. Published evaluations indicate that vehicle impoundment laws reduce recidivism and crash rates. However, vehicle forfeiture programs have been less successful, mostly because of low levels of enforcement. METHOD: Police officers and district attorneys from 17 jurisdictions were interviewed by phone or in person to determine current enforcement levels and impediments to more aggressive application of statutory authority. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION: The survey found that most California jurisdictions are enforcing vehicle impoundments for first-time offenders. However, very few jurisdictions were enforcing the vehicle forfeiture law for repeat offenders. Among the reasons for not enforcing the vehicle forfeiture law was a perception that it was too time-consuming and/or not a priority among prosecutors. However, a number of authorities indicated that the simple vehicle impoundment procedure is often functionally equivalent to forfeiture because many drivers fail to retrieve the vehicle at the end of the impoundment period. IMPACT ON INDUSTRY: Vehicle impoundment programs are effective mechanisms in deterring illicit driving, and states should be encouraged to initiate vehicle impoundment laws. States could achieve even greater safety benefits if vehicle forfeiture sanctions were extensively used for repeat offenders. However, based on California's experience, the incremental benefits of vehicle forfeiture (over vehicle impoundment) may not be very great.     

Mandating interlocks for fully revoked offenders: the New Mexico experience

OBJECTIVE: In New Mexico, between July 1999 and December 2002, the installation of an ignition interlock was an optional judicial sanction for second and third driving-while-impaired (DWI) offenders. This is a study of the recidivism of 437 offenders who were convicted and installed interlocks for an average of 322 days during that period. METHODS: The comparison group was a stratified random sample (N = 12,554) of the 20,949 offenders who were convicted during the same period but did not install interlocks. DWI arrest and conviction data for all study participants were received from the Motor Vehicle Department's Citation Tracking System. RESULTS: Only 11 (2.5%) of the interlock offender group were rearrested for DWI while interlocks were installed, whereas 1,017 (8.1%) of the comparison group were rearrested during an equivalent 322-day period. Survival graphs and Cox proportional hazard regression analyses were used to compare the interlock and noninterlock groups during installation, after installation, and for the entire period up to December 2004. Results indicate a reduction in recidivism of 65% during installation. After removal, there was no significant difference in recidivism rates in a 3-year follow-up period. Following all offenders for 4 years, including both the period while the interlock was installed and the period after its removal, indicates that the difference in recidivism achieved during installation, though not increased, is maintained, so at the end of 4 years, interlock users still have lower total recidivism than nonusers. CONCLUSIONS: The magnitude of interlock effectiveness reported here is similar to those in other published studies with comparable samples.     

Interlocks for first offenders: effective?

OBJECTIVE: Vehicle interlocks have been shown to effectively reduce the recidivism of multiple driving-while-impaired (DWI) offenders; however, the evidence for their effectiveness with first offenders has been mixed. Two Canadian studies found that the installation of an interlock reduced first DWI recidivism, but U.S. studies in West Virginia and California failed to find a significant reduction in recidivism for first DWI offenders in interlock programs. The objective of this study was to determine the extent to which such devices were effective with first offenders in New Mexico. METHODS: This study compared 1,461 first offenders, who installed interlocks in New Mexico between January 1, 2003, and December 1, 2005, with 17,562 first offenders convicted during the same period who did not install the units. Cox multivariate proportional hazards regression (CMVPHR) was used to compare recidivism rates during three periods: while the interlock was on the vehicles of offenders who installed them, after those offenders removed the units until the end of the study period (approximately 2 years), and for the combined period (both while the interlock was installed and after it was removed). RESULTS: While the device was on the vehicles of the interlock group, their recidivism rate, 2.6% per year of exposure, was significantly less than the 7.1% per year rate of the comparison group (CMVPHR hazard ratio = 0.39, p < 0.0001). After the device was removed, the annualized recidivism rate of the interlock group increased to 4.9% per year of exposure, which was less than the 6.7% rate of the comparison group, but the hazard ratio was not statistically significant (CMVPHR hazard ratio = 0.82, p = 0.16). When the combined periods (interlock on and off) were considered, the interlock group had a recidivism rate of 3.9% per year, which again was significantly lower than the 6.8% rate for the comparison group (CMVPHR hazard ratio = 0.61, p < 0.0001). CONCLUSION: The study provides evidence that interlocks are as effective with first offenders (approximately 60% reduction in recidivism when on the vehicle) as they are for multiple offenders. In addition, the benefits of requiring an interlock for first offenders exceed the costs by a factor of three.     

The impact of mandatory versus voluntary participation in the Alberta ignition interlock program

Research has demonstrated that participation in an interlock program significantly reduces the likelihood of subsequent driving while intoxicated (DWI) convictions at least so long as the interlock device is installed in the vehicle. Despite the growing number of jurisdictions that allow interlock programs and the demonstrated success of these programs, the proportion of DWI offenders who actually have the device installed is minimal. In an effort to increase the proportion of offenders using interlocks, some jurisdictions require offenders to install an interlock as a condition of license reinstatement whereas others merely offer offenders a reduction in the period of hard suspension if they voluntarily participate in an interlock program. The objective of the present study was to determine the extent to which voluntary interlock participants are more or less successful in terms of subsequent recidivism than those for whom interlock program participation has been mandated. The issue was addressed using data from the interlock program in Alberta, Canada, which provides for both mandatory and voluntary participation. The recidivism experience of voluntary and mandatory interlock participants was examined both during and after the period of interlock installation. Cox regression revealed that, after controlling for (or equating) the number of prior DWI offenses, the survival rates of DWI offenders who were ordered to participate in the interlock program did not differ from those of voluntary participants. These results suggest that further use of mandatory interlock programs should be just as successful as voluntary programs when offenders share characteristics with those studied in Alberta.     

The impact of mandatory versus voluntary participation in the Alberta ignition interlock program

Research has demonstrated that participation in an interlock program significantly reduces the likelihood of subsequent driving while intoxicated (DWI) convictions at least so long as the interlock device is installed in the vehicle. Despite the growing number of jurisdictions that allow interlock programs and the demonstrated success of these programs, the proportion of DWI offenders who actually have the device installed is minimal. In an effort to increase the proportion of offenders using interlocks, some jurisdictions require offenders to install an interlock as a condition of license reinstatement whereas others merely offer offenders a reduction in the period of hard suspension if they voluntarily participate in an interlock program. The objective of the present study was to determine the extent to which voluntary interlock participants are more or less successful in terms of subsequent recidivism than those for whom interlock program participation has been mandated. The issue was addressed using data from the interlock program in Alberta, Canada, which provides for both mandatory and voluntary participation. The recidivism experience of voluntary and mandatory interlock participants was examined both during and after the period of interlock installation. Cox regression revealed that, after controlling for (or equating) the number of prior DWI offenses, the survival rates of DWI offenders who were ordered to participate in the interlock program did not differ from those of voluntary participants. These results suggest that further use of mandatory interlock programs should be just as successful as voluntary programs when offenders share characteristics with those studied in Alberta.     

An evaluation of the implementation of ignition interlock in California

Problem: This study evaluates the degree to which courts have implemented California's ignition interlock program, and surveys judges and district/city attorneys to identify barriers to implementing a successful interlock program. Method: There are three parts to the evaluation. In the first, a sample of drivers arrested for driving on a driving under the influence (DUI)-suspended driver license was examined to calculate the rate at which courts order interlocks for DUI-suspended drivers, as required by California law. The second part of the study used Department of Motor Vehicle (DMV) records to count the statewide rate of court-ignition interlock device (IID) orders across time and jurisdictions. The final part surveyed judges, district/city attorneys, and offenders installing an interlock to obtain information about their use of interlock, barriers to implementing an interlock program, and the effectiveness of the devices in preventing drinking and driving. Results: It was found that conviction rates for driving while suspended are low; that judges order interlocks for only a fraction of the convicted driving-while-suspended (DWS) offenders who should receive such an order; and that the majority of offenders who are ordered by the court to install an ignition interlock in their vehicle do not do so. Impact on Industry: Any successful interlock program will need to find a way to balance the inability of many offenders to pay for the devices, with the need for the industry to remain economically viable.     

Attitudes toward mandatory ignition interlocks for all offenders convicted of driving while intoxicated

Introduction: Ignition interlocks are effective in reducing alcohol-impaired driving recidivism for all offenders, including first-time offenders. Despite their effectiveness, interlock use among persons convicted of driving while intoxicated from alcohol (DWI) remains low. This cross-sectional survey of U.S. adults assessed public support for requiring ignition interlocks for all convicted DWI offenders including first-time offenders. The goal was to update results from a similar 2010 survey in light of new state requirements and increased interlock installations. Methods: Questions were included in the Porter Novelli FallStyles survey, which was fielded from September 28 to October 16, 2015. Participants were the 3,536 individuals who provided an opinion toward requiring ignition interlocks for all offenders. For analyses, opinion toward requiring interlocks for all offenders was dichotomized into ‘agree’ and ‘neutral/disagree.’ To handle missing data, 10 imputed datasets were created and pooled using fully conditional specification (FCS). Results: Fifty-nine percent of adults supported requiring interlocks for all DWI offenders. Multivariate analysis revealed that persons who did not report alcohol-impaired driving (AID) were 60% more likely to support requiring interlocks than those who reported AID. Having heard of interlocks also increased support. Support was generally consistent across demographic subgroups. Conclusions: Interlocks for all offenders have majority support nationwide in the current survey, consistent with previous reports. Support is lowest among those who have reported alcohol-impaired driving in the past 30 days. These results suggest that communities with higher levels of alcohol-impaired driving may be more resistant to requiring ignition interlocks for all convicted DWI offenders. Future studies should examine this association further. Practical applications: These results indicate that the majority of adults recognize DWI as a problem and support requiring interlocks for all offenders.     

A note on the effectiveness of the house-arrest alternative for motivating DWI offenders to install ignition interlocks

Introduction

The effectiveness of ignition interlocks at reducing drunk driving has been limited by the ability of driving-while-intoxicated (DWI) offenders to avoid court orders to install the devices.

Methods

In a pilot program in New Mexico, four Santa Fe County judges imposed home confinement (via electronic monitoring bracelets) on offenders who claimed to have no car or no intention to drive. Interlock installation rates for Santa Fe County were compared with all other counties in New Mexico over a 2-year program and 2-year post-program period.

Results

During the two program years, 70% of the drivers convicted of DWI in Santa Fe County installed interlocks, compared to only 17% in the other counties, but when the program was terminated, the Santa Fe installation rate fell by 18.8 percentage points.

Summary

Mandating the alternative sanction of house arrest led to the highest reported interlock installation rate for DWI offenders.

Impact on Industry

Impaired driving is a substantial expense to employers, particularly when it bars driving that interferes with employment. Interlocks provide a method of protecting the public while permitting the offender to drive sober. This study was directed at increasing interlock use by DWI offenders.     

An evaluation of Washington's driving while intoxicated law: Effect on drunk driving recidivism

The 1980 Washington driving while intoxicated (DWI) law was evaluated to determine its impact on the subsequent driving behavior of persons convicted of DWI. The major provisions of this law were mandatory jail sentences for conviction of DWI and a change in the definition of DWI. The law made it illegal per se for a person to drive with a blood alcohol level of .10% or more. The law was intended to reduce the drunk driving and accidents of individuals convicted of DWI as well as deter such behavior among the general driving population. The study assessed the deterrence effect of the law on convicted DWI offenders. It was found that individuals convicted under the provisions of this law had higher accident rates and drunk driving recidivism rates than individuals convicted under the previous law. These increases suggest that mandatory jail sentences may fail to deter subsequent acts of drunk driving. It was concluded that alternative legal sanctions for DWI (such as license suspensions or revocations) may be sufficiently stringent to produce both general and specific deterrence of drunk driving.     

Effects of enhanced sanctions for high-BAC DWI offenders on case dispositions and rates of recidivism

Implemented January 1, 1998, Minnesota's high-BAC law mandates more severe administrative pre-conviction penalties and more severe post-conviction penalties for offenses with BACs > or = 0.20%. Most notably, the law provides for the administrative impoundment of the license plate of first-time DWI offenders with BACs > or = 0.20. During the three years after the law took effect, a large majority of first-time and repeat offenders with BACs > or = 0.20% did, in fact, receive high-BAC administrative dispositions and/or high-BAC court convictions, which carried more severe penalties. For example, in 1998 85.6% of first offenders with BACs > or = 0.20% received a high-BAC administrative disposition and/or a high-BAC court conviction; 65.0% received both high-BAC administrative and high-BAC court dispositions. The proportion of high-BAC first-time offenders who received the statutory high-BAC dispositions declined from 1998 to 1999 and 2000. Based on survival analysis, the one-year recidivism rate among first offenders arrested in 1998 with BACs > or = 0.20% was significantly lower than for offenders with BACs 0.17-0.19% (who also had relatively high BACs but were not subject to enhanced sanctions), after controlling for age and gender. There were similar, but not significant, results for first offenders arrested in 1999.     

Hardcore drinking drivers and other contributors to the alcohol-impaired driving problem: need for a comprehensive approach

OBJECTIVE: Understanding the hardcore drinking driver concept in the context of the alcohol-impaired driving problem. METHOD: Review of the relevant literature. RESULTS: As progress against alcohol-impaired driving slowed in the early 1990s, public and political attention turned to "hardcore" drinking drivers, and they have been a priority for the past 15 years. Though intuitive, the hardcore concept has been difficult to conceptualize. Its definition of hard-to-change chronic heavy drinking drivers focuses on a group that is not easily identifiable and ignores many who account for a large portion of alcohol-impaired driving crashes. These include drivers who drink heavily on occasion and drivers who drink at more moderate levels that elevate crash risk. Emphasis on the hardcore has focused attention on the small proportion of drinking drivers who have been detected and arrested, whereas the vast majority of drinking drivers go undetected. Some countermeasures aimed at the hardcore group have been effective in reducing recidivism, but attention and resources also need to be given to general deterrent initiatives (e.g., 0.08 g/dL, sobriety checkpoints, administrative license suspension). There has been no reduction in the overall alcohol-impaired driving problem since the mid-1990s. CONCLUSION: Reductions in the alcohol-impaired driving problem require that attention be focused on all relevant target groups. Some benefits could accrue by recognizing that countermeasures developed for hardcore drinking drivers, such as alcohol ignition interlocks and vehicle or plate impoundment, might also be effective with more numerous first-time offenders. However, such strategies are likely to be most effective against recidivism (specific deterrence). Greater gains could be achieved through general deterrent efforts (increasing the real and perceived risk of arrest and punishment to all drinking drivers), along with application of public health measures designed to reduce overall consumption. Additional ways need to be found to separate drinking and driving, either through cultural changes in drinking and/or driving behavior or, in the future, with the use of technology that can make vehicles inoperable by drivers with illegal blood alcohol concentrations.     

Administrative license suspension: Does length of suspension matter?

Objective: Administrative license revocation (ALR) laws, which provide that the license of a driver with a blood alcohol concentration at or over the illegal limit is subject to an immediate suspension by the state department of motor vehicles, are an example of a traffic law in which the sanction rapidly follows the offense. The power of ALR laws has been attributed to how swiftly the sanction is applied, but does the length of suspension matter? Our objectives were to (a) determine the relationship of the ALR suspension length to the prevalence of drinking drivers relative to sober drivers in fatal crashes and (b) estimate the extent to which the relationship is associated to the general deterrent effect compared to the specific deterrent effect of the law.

Methods: Data comparing the impact of ALR law implementation and ALR law suspension periods were analyzed using structural equation modeling techniques on the ratio of drinking drivers to nondrinking drivers in fatal crashes from the Fatality Analysis Reporting System (FARS).

Results: States with an ALR law with a short suspension period (1–30 days) had a significantly lower drinking driver ratio than states with no ALR law. States with a suspension period of 91–180 days had significantly lower ratios than states with shorter suspension periods, while the three states with suspension lengths of 181 days or longer had significantly lower ratios than states with shorter suspension periods.

Discussion: The implementation of any ALR law was associated with a 13.1% decrease in the drinking/nondrinking driver fatal crash ratio but only a 1.8% decrease in the intoxicated/nonintoxicated fatal crash ratio. The ALR laws and suspension lengths had a significant general deterrent effect, but no specific deterrent effect.

Practical Implications: States might want to keep (or adopt) ALR laws for their general deterrent effects and pursue alternatives for specific deterrent effects. States with short ALR suspension periods should consider lengthening them to 91 days or longer.     

An evaluation of the Swedish ignition interlock program

The Swedish alcohol ignition interlock program for driving while intoxicated (DWI) offenders, both first-time as well as multiple offenders, was launched as a pilot project in 1999. It is a volunteer program and differs in some respects from other programs: It covers a period of 2 years, it includes very strict medical regulations entailing regular checkups by a physician, it does not require a prior period of hard suspension, and it focuses strongly on changes in alcohol habits. Records from the 5 years prior to the offence showed that DWI offenders are generally in a high-risk category long before their offense, with a four to five times higher accident rate (road accidents reported by the police) and a three to four times higher rate of hospitalization due to a road accident. Only 12% of the eligible DWI offenders took part in the program and, of these, 60% could be diagnosed as alcohol dependent or alcohol abusers. During the program, alcohol consumption is monitored through self-esteem questionnaires (AUDIT) and five different biological markers. Our data show a noticeable reduction in alcohol consumption among the interlock users. This, combined with the high rate of compliance with the regulations, probably accounts for the fact that there was no case of recidivism during the program. Preliminary findings also suggest a reduction in the annual accident rate for interlock users while in the program. It still is too early to draw any conclusions concerning the rate of recidivism after completion of the program due to an insufficient amount of data for analysis. Nevertheless, the preliminary results are so promising that the program will now be expanded to cover all of Sweden as well as to include all driver's license categories.     

Alcohol ignition interlock programs

The alcohol ignition interlock is an in-vehicle DWI control device that prevents a car from starting until the operator provides a breath alcohol concentration (BAC) test below a set level, usually .02% (20 mg/dl) to .04% (40 mg/dl). The first interlock program was begun as a pilot test in California 18 years ago; today all but a few US states, and Canadian provinces have interlock enabling legislation. Sweden has recently implemented a nationwide interlock program. Other nations of the European Union and as well as several Australian states are testing it on a small scale or through pilot research. This article describes the interlock device and reviews the development and current status of interlock programs including their public safety benefit and the public practice impediments to more widespread adoption of these DWI control devices. Included in this review are (1) a discussion of the technological breakthroughs and certification standards that gave rise to the design features of equipment that is in widespread use today; (2) a commentary on the growing level of adoption of interlocks by governments despite the judicial and legislative practices that prevent more widespread use of them; (3) a brief overview of the extant literature documenting a high degree of interlock efficacy while installed, and the rapid loss of their preventative effect on repeat DWI once they are removed from the vehicles; (4) a discussion of the representativeness of subjects in the current research studies; (5) a discussion of research innovations, including motivational intervention efforts that may extend the controlling effect of the interlock, and data mining research that has uncovered ways to use the stored interlock data record of BAC tests in order to predict high risk drivers; and (6) a discussion of communication barriers and conceptual rigidities that may be preventing the alcohol ignition interlock from taking a more prominent role in the arsenal of tools used to control DWI. Whether interlock programs can help public policymakers achieve their expressed goals of substantially reducing the level of impaired driving will remain uncertain until procedural barriers and intransigent judiciary practices can be overcome that provide for more systematic routine use of interlock programs. Despite strong effectiveness evidence in all studies to date, the real potential of this technology to reduce the road toll cannot be estimated until they are more widely adopted.     

The effects of a mandatory motorcycle helmet law on helmet use and injury patterns among motorcyclist fatalities

BACKGROUND: The National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) has found that motorcycle helmets are 37% effective in preventing death and 65% effective in preventing brain injuries in a crash. Unfortunately, in 1995 Congress lifted federal sanctions against states without helmet laws and since then there have been a number of primary motorcycle helmet laws repealed or weakened. More lives could be saved and serious injuries avoided if there was increased helmet use throughout the United States. METHODS: This study analyzed helmet use and injury patterns among motorcycle riders in the United States involved in fatal crashes from 1995 through 2003 and compared the results between states with and without a primary helmet law. Age, sex, injury severity and helmet use are some of the variables obtained from the Fatality Analysis Reporting System (FARS). RESULTS: In the 20 states and the District of Columbia, which currently have a primary helmet law, 84.0% of fatally injured riders were wearing a helmet. In the 27 states with a secondary helmet law, 36.2% of fatalities used a helmet, and in the remaining three states with no law at all, helmet use dropped to 17.6%. In the two states (Arkansas and Texas) that changed from a primary helmet law to a secondary helmet law in 1997, helmet use decreased from 78.2% in 1996 to 31.7% in 2000. CONCLUSION: If all states were to enact a primary motorcycle helmet law, helmet use would dramatically increase while decreasing the number of motorcyclist head injuries and fatalities. IMPACT ON INDUSTRY: The results of this study will hopefully persuade law makers to enact primary helmet laws in all states throughout the nation. Helmet manufacturers can use this data to design more comfortable helmets while also improving upon the protective qualities of these safety devices.     

基于存活概率的动态车龄分布模型

城市车辆的年龄组成(简称车龄分布)是体现城市车辆老化程度和确定车辆报废年限的重要指标。目前已有的车龄分布算法要求数据量大,在我国大部分城市很难得到完整的数据。笔者提出一种符合威布尔分布的车辆存活概率算法。该算法根据车辆保有量数据和报废车辆总数(或新车数据)推导出各年的车龄分布,且能够动态预测将来年份的车龄分布。同时,利用北京市小客数据对算法进行了实例应用,证明该法的实用可行性。由于该算法所需数据量小,计算简便,特别适用于我国在用车统计不完备的地区,利用该算法根据有限的数据来推导出当地的车龄分布,具有通用性。该算法的有效性检验和敏感度分析需进一步研究。     

Predictors of conviction and sentencing of DWI offenders in a New Mexico County

OBJECTIVE: To analyze predictors of conviction and dismissal of individuals charged with DWI, and predictors of the sentences of those who are convicted. METHODS: Data come from the Citation Tracking System of the State of New Mexico's Motor Vehicle Division and includes information on all individuals who were arrested for DWI in San Juan County between August 1994 and December 2000. Independent variables were: age, gender, race/ethnicity, waiver of right to an attorney, court of arraignment, year of arrest, BAC, and number of prior DWI arrests. Dependent variables were: (1) conviction or dismissal, (2) jail or no jail, (3) incarceration/treatment or not, (4) fine or no fine, (5) length of jail sentence, (6) waived right of attorney, and (7) magnitude of fine. Multiple linear and logistic regression was used in the analyses. RESULTS: Use of an attorney is associated with reduced likelihood of conviction and, if convicted, in reduced likelihood of jail sentence and reduced jail time, but greater likelihood and magnitude of a fine. Native Americans were more likely than Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites to waive their right to an attorney. Native Americans were most likely to be sentenced to the detention/treatment program. BAC and number of prior arrests were each positively associated with increased likelihood of conviction and more severe sentences. There is also substantial variability in severity of sentencing among courts. CONCLUSION: Likelihood of conviction and severity of sentences are both determined by extra-legal factors, resulting in inconsistent application of the law. This may in turn contribute to a lack of compliance with laws related to DWI.     

Factors related to seat belt use among fatally injured teenage drivers

PROBLEM: In the United States, teenage drivers have a higher crash risk and lower observed seat belt use than other age groups. METHOD: Seat belt use was examined for teenage (16-19 years) drivers who were fatally injured in traffic crashes occurring in the United States during the years 1995-2000. Vehicle, driver, and crash factors potentially related to belt use were examined. State differences in belt use rates among fatally injured teenage drivers were related to states' observed belt use rates for all ages and other state-level variables. RESULTS: During 1995-2000, mean belt use was 36% among fatally injured teenage drivers and 23% among fatally injured teenage passengers. One of the strongest predictors of higher belt use for both drivers and passengers was whether the crash occurred in a state with a primary seat belt law. Belt use rates for 1995-2000 for fatally injured teenage drivers ranged from 20% or less in six states to more than 60% in two states. States with the highest use rates were those with strong primary belt use laws and those with high rates of observed belt use for all ages. Lower belt use among fatally injured teenage drivers was associated with increasing age; male drivers; drivers of SUVs, vans, or pickup trucks rather than cars; older vehicles; crashes occurring late at night; crashes occurring on rural roadways; single vehicle crashes; and drivers with BACs of 0.10 or higher. Teenage driver belt use declined as the number of teenage passengers increased, but increased in the presence of at least one passenger 30 years or older. IMPACT ON TRAFFIC SAFETY: It is suggested that to increase teenage belt use, states should enact strong primary belt use laws and mount highly publicized efforts to enforce these laws. Graduated driver licensing systems should incorporate strong provisions that require seat belt use by teenage drivers and passengers.     

Effect on fatality risk of changing from secondary to primary seat belt enforcement

BACKGROUND: Most seat belt use laws originally passed in the United States contained language restricting enforcement to drivers already stopped for some other reason. States that have since removed this secondary enforcement restriction have reported increased seat belt use. The purpose of the present study was to estimate the effect of these law changes on driver fatality rates. METHOD: Trends in passenger vehicle driver death rates per billion miles traveled were compared for 10 states that changed from secondary to primary seat belt enforcement and 14 states that remained with secondary enforcement. RESULTS: After accounting for possible economic effects and other general time trends, the change from secondary to primary enforcement was found to reduce annual passenger vehicle driver death rates by an estimated 7% (95% confidence limits 3.0-10.9). CONCLUSION: The majority of U.S. states still have secondary enforcement laws. If these remaining secondary laws were amended, an estimated 696 deaths per year could be prevented.     

Alcohol-impaired driving in the United States: contributors to the problem and effective countermeasures

Objective: To review the effectiveness of current countermeasures in alcohol-impaired driving. Method: This article provides an overview of the contributors to the alcohol-impaired driving problem in the United States and reviews the effectiveness of alcohol-impaired driving countermeasures. Results: Many effective countermeasures have been used during the past few decades both to deter drivers from driving when they are over the legal limit for alcohol and to discourage driving while intoxicated (DWI) offenders from reoffending once they have been caught and convicted. In recent years, greater attention has been given to the problem of "hardcore" drinking drivers, a term coined to refer to those who repeatedly drive with high blood alcohol concentrations and are resistant to changing their behavior. Although such individuals are a legitimate target for attention, focusing predominantly on this group will result in missed opportunities to address a large portion of alcohol-impaired driving crashes. This article provides a review of the primary countermeasures that have been used to reduce alcohol-impaired driving and summarizes evidence for their effectiveness. It asks the question of where, in an environment of limited resources, attention should be focused. Conclusions: General deterrent approaches, such as frequent and highly publicized sobriety checkpoints, have the greatest potential to save lives and should be the mainstay of state and local efforts. Specific deterrent approaches, aimed at deterring DWI offenders from reoffending, such as alcohol ignition interlocks, should be applied to all apprehended drivers, whatever their drinking history. Evidence suggests that they could benefit from them. In the future, advanced in-vehicle technologies that would prevent vehicles from being driven when their drivers are over the legal limit may hold the key to drastically reducing the alcohol-impaired driving problem.