Low-manpower checkpoints: can they provide effective DUI enforcement in small communities?

OBJECTIVE: Sobriety checkpoints can be effective in reducing alcohol-impaired driving. Checkpoints are underutilized, however, partially because police believe a large number of officers are required. This study evaluated the feasibility and impact of conducting small-scale checkpoints in rural communities. METHODS: Law enforcement agencies in two counties agreed to conduct weekly checkpoints for one year. Two nonadjacent counties did not undertake additional checkpoints. Evaluation included public-awareness surveys and roadside surveys (including blood alcohol concentration [BAC] measurements) of weekend nighttime drivers. RESULTS: Relative to drivers in the comparison counties, the proportion of drivers in the experimental counties with BACs >0.05% was 70% lower. Drivers surveyed at driver's license offices in the experimental counties after program implementation were more likely to report seeing or passing through a checkpoint and were more aware of publicity on driving under the influence (DUI) enforcement. CONCLUSIONS: Small rural communities can safely and effectively conduct low-staff sobriety checkpoints on a weekly basis. Such programs can be expected to result in large reductions in drivers operating at higher BACs.     

Impaired driving enforcement practices among state and local law enforcement agencies in the United States

IntroductionAlcohol-impaired driving (DUI) persists as a substantial problem, yet detailed data on DUI enforcement practices are rarely collected. The present study surveyed state and local law enforcement agencies about their DUI enforcement activities.MethodTelephone interviews were conducted with law enforcement liaisons in state highway safety offices. Officers from a nationally representative sample of municipal, county, and state law enforcement agencies were also interviewed about their agency's DUI enforcement activities, including the types of enforcement, frequency of use, and whether activities were publicized. Response rates were 100% among law enforcement liaisons, 86% among county agencies, 93% among municipal agencies, and 98% among state agencies.ResultsBased on the highway safety office survey, 38 states conducted sobriety checkpoints in 2011. Nationally, 58% of law enforcement agencies reported that they conducted or helped conduct sobriety checkpoints during 2011–12, with 14% of all agencies conducting them monthly or more frequently. The vast majority (87%) of agencies reported conducting dedicated DUI patrols. However, dedicated DUI patrols were less likely to be publicized than checkpoints. Less than a quarter of agencies reported using passive alcohol sensors to improve detection of alcohol-impaired drivers.ConclusionsResults show that 38 states conducted sobriety checkpoints in 2011, little changed from a previous survey in 2000. Despite evidence of effectiveness, many agencies do not conduct frequent, publicized DUI enforcement or use passive alcohol sensors.Practical applicationsThe survey suggests that there are several areas in which impaired driving enforcement could be improved: increasing the frequency of special enforcement, such as sobriety checkpoints and/or dedicated patrols; publicizing these efforts to maximize deterrent effects; and using passive alcohol sensors to improve detection of alcohol-impaired drivers.     

Sobriety checkpoint and open container laws in the United States: Associations with reported drinking-driving

Objective: The objective of this study was to assess how 2 types of drinking-driving laws—permitting sobriety checkpoints and prohibiting open containers of alcohol in motor vehicles—are associated with drinking-driving and how enforcement efforts may affect these associations.

Methods: We obtained 2010 data on state-level drinking-driving laws and individual-level self-reported drinking-driving from archival sources (Alcohol Policy Information System, NHTSA, and Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System). We measured enforcement of the laws via a 2009 survey of state patrol agencies. We computed multilevel regression models (separate models for each type of law) that first examined how having the state law predicted drinking-driving, controlling for various state- and individual-level covariates; we then added the corresponding enforcement measure as another potential predictor.

Results: We found that states with a sobriety checkpoint law, compared with those without a law, had 18.2% lower drinking-driving; states that conducted sobriety checks at least monthly (vs. not conducting checks) had 40.6% lower drinking-driving (the state law variable was not significant when enforcement was added). We found no significant association between having an open container law and drinking-driving, but states that conducted open container enforcement, regardless of having a law, had 17.6% less drinking-driving.

Conclusion: Our results suggest that having a sobriety checkpoint law and conducting checkpoints as well as enforcement of open containers laws may be effective strategies for addressing drinking-driving.     

The association between enforcement and seat belt use

A statistical association is found between the number of traffic citations for belt law violations versus observed belt use. Also, belt use is higher in primary enforcement states where officers issue such citations for belt law violations alone. In secondary enforcement states officers issue such citations only after stopping motorists for another reason. Most belt laws provide for secondary enforcement. Enforcement data were confined to the highway patrol in each state (local arrest data are rarely compiled statewide). Belt use data were based on observational surveys conducted in each belt law state.     

The accuracy of estimating the sobriety of drinking drivers

The mere act of driving with a blood alcohol level (BAL) of 10% + is punishable in many states. In addition, under the so-called dram shop law the proprietor of an establishment or a host at a private party at which liquor is served to a person who subsequently commits an alcohol-related offense may be prosecuted and held liable for damages incurred by that individual. It is apparent that an increasingly larger number of law enforcement personnel and private citizens will be required to Judge the sobriety of others. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the accuracy of such estimates. BAL data were obtained from 1,115 drivers at a roadside survey during which each interviewer was required to estimate the sobriety of the driver. At highway patrol sobriety checkpoints the number of drivers arrested was compared with the number of drivers in the sample estimated to possess BALs of .10% or higher. Both sources correctly identified approximately 21% of those drivers with BALs of .10% or higher.     

A community driving under the influence (DUI) study of declining arrests

Abstract

Objective: Recent news reports in 2016 indicated that across Miami–Dade County, Florida, driving under the influence (DUI) arrests have decreased substantially. The objective of this research was to determine the reasons for the decline in DUI arrests from 2009 to 2016. Are there fewer impaired drivers on the roads? Can DUI enforcement and prosecution be improved?

Methods: The following methods were used in this study: (1) Analysis of existing DUI arrest and crash data; (2) conducting and analysis of a telephone survey of reported knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors concerning impaired driving; (3) conducting and analysis of roadside surveys on the roads on weekend nights in Miami–Dade County; (4) information from focus group discussions with police and prosecutors in Miami–Dade County; and (5) a comprehensive review of the best DUI prevention practices and enforcement strategies used across the country.

Results: DUI arrests decreased 64% in Miami–Dade County between 2009 and 2016. This was a significantly larger decrease than has occurred in the State of Florida as a whole (34%) and in the United States (29%) over the same time period. The decline was not due to any decline in DUI behavior in the county.

Conclusions: Based upon the data and information gathered in this project, the following actions were recommended for Miami–Dade County: (1) County police chiefs need to find ways to overcome law enforcement apathy toward DUI enforcement and persuade their traffic enforcement officers to be proactive rather than reactive when it comes to identifying and making impaired driving stops. (2) County police agencies should join forces to conduct more sobriety checkpoints. Checkpoints are safer for both the police and the drivers going through them and serve as a general deterrent to impaired driving. (3) An interagency DUI task force or team of 5 to 7 officers should be established within the county. These officers would be solely dedicated to DUI enforcement and paid for by each individual agency or under a grant from the state or federal government.     

Graduated driver licensing restrictions: awareness, compliance, and enforcement in North Carolina

PROBLEM: This study examined the extent to which critical restrictions in North Carolina's graduated driver licensing (GDL) system are known, adhered to, and enforced. METHOD: Teenagers and their parents were recruited as they applied for either an intermediate or full license at 1 of 23 licensing offices. Telephone interviews were conducted with 900 teenagers and their parents. RESULTS: Awareness of North Carolina's night and passenger restrictions was very high among both parents and teenagers. Ten percent of teenagers reported violating the night restriction without their parents' knowledge, and 15% had done so with their parents' approval. Only 4% of parents reported allowing their teenagers to drive with more than one teenage passenger, but 19% of teenagers reported that they were allowed to do this. Violations of the passenger restriction without parental knowledge were more common than violations of the night restriction (22% vs. 10%, respectively). Among teenagers who violated restrictions without their parents' knowledge, most reported doing so only once or a few times. Teenagers expressed little concern about detection, although a majority reported driving more carefully to avoid police notice. Neither parents nor teenagers knew much about police enforcement of GDL restrictions. To obtain a sense of the views of law enforcement officers, informal interviews were conducted with 20 officers from five diverse communities and the state highway patrol. These officers were highly supportive of GDL but unfamiliar with many of the specific provisions. Moreover, enforcement of GDL restrictions did not appear to be a high priority. IMPACT ON INDUSTRY: There is a need to increase the belief among teens (and parents) that police are enforcing GDL restrictions in their community; law enforcement participation in well-publicized traffic safety enforcement efforts would likely produce this result.     

Exposure to the sobriety "Checkpoint Strikeforce" campaign in Maryland: impact on driver perceptions of vulnerability and behavior

OBJECTIVES: To compare drivers who were: (1) exposed to Maryland's sobriety "Checkpoint Strikeforce" campaign; (2) not exposed but were aware of it; and (3) neither exposed nor aware of it. This six-month campaign involved periodic road-side sobriety checkpoints, in which police attempted to detect and arrest drunk drivers and a series of radio Public Service Announcements (PSAs) that promoted public awareness. METHODS: A statewide sample of 1725 drivers were interviewed by telephone to determine their exposure to and awareness of this campaign, as well as their beliefs and behaviors concerning drunk driving and seat belt usage. RESULTS: Relatively few people (9.6%) were exposed in any way to the campaign; however almost 30% were aware of it. Significant increases in perceived vulnerability to arrest for drinking and driving were found among those who were exposed. There were no differences in reported drinking and driving, but seat belt usage in the last 30 days was higher among those who were exposed. There were no differences among those people who had been directly exposed to the campaign (i.e., personally gone through a sobriety checkpoint) and those who were indirectly exposed (i.e., knew a family member or someone else who went through a checkpoint). CONCLUSIONS: Exposure to a sobriety checkpoint was associated with increased perceptions of drink-driving risk (i.e., likelihood of getting caught by the police), which was not dependent upon having personally experienced it. Awareness without exposure appears to be insufficient to change perceived risk. The need to increase the reach and frequency of the sobriety "Checkpoint Strikeforce" campaign is indicated.     

Field Evaluation of the PAS III Passive Alcohol Sensor

Passive alcohol sensors (PAS) are screening devices designed to sample nonintrusively the ambient air around a driver's mouth to determine the presence of alcohol. Studies have shown that PAS devices can aid police officers in the identification of unpaired drivers, particularly at sobriety checkpoints. Data from a 1996 nationwide survey, in which 5,392 drivers were evaluated for alcohol using both the PAS III (a passive sensor housed in a flashlight) and evidential breath test devices, have allowed the determination of appropriate criteria at various blood alcohol concentrations (BAC) for detecting impaired drivers in the field. Using the appropriate criteria, the PAS III can identify about 75% of the drivers with BACs at or above 0.10%, and 70% at or above 0.08%. This is a vast improvement over the 40-50% detection rate currently achieved by police officers at checkpoints not using sensors. Using the PAS III few drivers would be identified inappropriately. At the criterion recommended for detecting BACs at or above 0.08%, about 14% of drivers with BACs of 0.02-0.05% would be incorrectly identified as having a higher BAC. Field studies have shown that when police officers rely on observation alone about 20% of drivers with low BACs are detained for further evaluation. More widespread use of passive sensors by police officers would aid in the detection of drinking drivers. Sensors also could provide an additional deterrent to the general public if they believe that when stopped by the police after drinking they will be detained for further evaluation.     

Survey regarding the 0.05 blood alcohol concentration limit for driving in the United States

Background: On May 14, 2013, the National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB) proposed that states lower the blood alcohol concentration (BAC) illegal limit from 0.08 to 0.05 g/dL (also referred to as the 0.08 law and the 0.05 limit, respectively). In March 2017, this recommendation was signed into law in the State of Utah.

Objective: The objective of this survey is to investigate perceptions regarding enforcement of the 0.05 g/dL BAC limit.

Method: Opinions of law enforcement officers, prosecutors, and defense attorneys were obtained through a series of questionnaires and focus groups.

Results: Survey data were collected from 32 law enforcement officers, 20 prosecutors, and 4 defense attorneys. The participants rated the usefulness of the NHTSA's driving while intoxicated (DWI) driving cues lower for the 0.05 limit than for the 0.08 law. Some of the participants believed that training would be needed in regard to sobriety testing under the 0.05 limit. Participants also stated that adequately preparing for prosecution of drunk drivers would be more difficult under the 0.05 limit. In addition, it was believed that drunk driving cases are more likely to be withdrawn and fewer plea agreements and guilty pleas are likely under the 0.05 limit. Prosecutors were concerned that the 0.05 limit would result in poorly investigated cases and overburden the court system. Defense attorneys were concerned about the social and economic costs of a 0.05 limit.

Discussion: Overall, it appears that the 0.05 limit is viewed as enforceable and it will save lives; however, the usefulness of the NHTSA DWI Detection Guide and of the standardized field sobriety tests need to be established for lower BACs, and efforts must be made to educate people regarding the relationship between BAC and impairment and impairment and driving with the risk of injury and death.

Conclusion: Though the 0.05 limit offers promise in saving lives, the following issues associated with changing the limit to 0.05 need to be resolved prior to implementation: Validating the sobriety tests for the 0.05 limit; if needed, modifying the sobriety tests to make them effective and valid at the 0.05 limit; and training law enforcement personnel and educating the public regarding the 0.05 limit.     

A comparison of web-based and telephone surveys for assessing traffic safety concerns, beliefs, and behaviors

Introduction

The purpose of this investigation was to compare the results of a web-based and a telephone interview survey measuring driver concerns about a variety of traffic safety issues, their beliefs, and specific driving behaviors.

Method

State-wide, annual random digit-dial telephone surveys and web-based surveys were conducted in Maryland. A total of 1,700 drivers were surveyed by telephone and 6,806 took a web survey.

Results

Telephone respondents were more likely to be female and older. Web respondents were more likely to be white and not Latino/Hispanic. After controlling for demographic differences, telephone survey respondents were more likely to be concerned about traffic safety. They were more likely to believe that sobriety checkpoints reduce drunk driving (OR = 2.18, 95% CI 1.94, 2.45), they would be ticketed for not wearing a seat belt (OR = 1.26, 95% CI 1.12, 1.43), and they would be stopped by the police if they drove after drinking too much (OR = 1.17, 95% CI 1.03, 1.32). They were less likely to report a variety of risky behaviors including using a cell phone while driving (OR = .54, 95% CI .48, .61) and driving 10+ mph over the speed limit (OR = .81, 95% CI .72, .91), but were more likely to report having been ticketed for a moving violation in the last month (OR = 2.22, 95% CI 1.70, 2.90). Suggestions are offered for overcoming potential sources of sampling bias.

Impact on Industry

Web-based surveys produce substantially different results than random-digit-dial telephone surveys, when used for public assessments of traffic safety concerns and behaviors.     

A comparison of overtime patrol stops made inside and out of cluster identified hotspots

Objective: The annual rate of impaired driving crashes in the United States has remained nearly constant over the last decade. While engineers, educators, enforcement, and emergency response personnel have worked diligently in their combined efforts to reduce the loss of life, there is still significant progress to be made. One area of recent interest is the use of data driven enforcement. The basis for data driven enforcement is the use of statistical clustering to identify geographic areas that represent the location of problem identification for various criminal or traffic offenses. In the case of impaired driving fatalities, the clustering represents locations with high rates of impaired driving crashes. Law enforcement officers and supervisors may allocate resources towards more specifically and efficiently addressing problem areas.

Methods: While data driven enforcement has been proven to be an effective tool in addressing crime and traffic safety problems, it has been a slow process for agencies to adopt data driven techniques. This study aims to explore the difference in traffic stops made inside and outside of hotspot identified areas. The study uses data from the Stark County Operating a Vehicle Impaired Task Force between 2013 and 2014.

Results: The analysis determined that stop occurring in hotspot defined areas are more likely to result in impaired driving arrests and seatbelt citations. Additionally it is found that the average cost of impaired driving arrests is significantly cheaper for stops occurring inside of hotspot areas.

Conclusion: Clustering as a means of directing law enforcement efforts are a way to increase the productivity and benefits of law enforcement agencies with limited finances or personnel. From this study it is seen that traffic stops made within defined cluster or hot spot areas are more effective in resulting in OVI arrests.     

Preventing alcohol-related traffic injury: a health promotion approach

The conditions that give rise to drinking and driving are complex, with multiple and interrelated causes. Prevention efforts benefit from an approach that relies on the combination of multiple interventions. Health promotion provides a useful framework for conceptualizing and implementing actions to reduce drinking and driving since it involves a combination of educational, behavioral, environmental, and policy approaches. This review draws on data from a range of settings to characterize the effectiveness of various interventions embedded within the health promotion approach. Interventions considered part of the health promotion approach include: (1) economic interventions (2) organizational interventions, (3) policy interventions, and (4) health education interventions, including the use of media, school and community education, and public awareness programs. Effective health promotion strengthens the skills and capabilities of individuals to take action and the capacity of groups or communities to act collectively to exert control over the determinants of alcohol-impaired driving. There is strong evidence for the effectiveness of some components of health promotion, including economic and retailer interventions, alcohol taxation, reducing alcohol availability, legal and legislative strategies, and strategies addressing the servers of alcohol. There is also evidence for the effectiveness of sobriety checkpoints, lower BAC laws, minimum legal drinking age laws, and supportive media promotion programs. Other interventions with moderate evidence of effectiveness include restricting alcohol advertising and promotion, and actions involving counter advertising. Health education interventions alone that have insufficient evidence for effectiveness include passive server training programs, school drug and alcohol education programs, community mobilization efforts, and health warnings. Because each intervention builds on the strengths of every other one, ecological approaches to reducing alcohol-impaired driving using all four components of the health promotion model are likely to be the most effective. Settings such as schools, workplaces, cities, and communities offer practical opportunities to implement alcohol-impaired driving prevention programs within this framework.     

Alcohol-impaired driving in the United States: contributors to the problem and effective countermeasures

Objective: To review the effectiveness of current countermeasures in alcohol-impaired driving. Method: This article provides an overview of the contributors to the alcohol-impaired driving problem in the United States and reviews the effectiveness of alcohol-impaired driving countermeasures. Results: Many effective countermeasures have been used during the past few decades both to deter drivers from driving when they are over the legal limit for alcohol and to discourage driving while intoxicated (DWI) offenders from reoffending once they have been caught and convicted. In recent years, greater attention has been given to the problem of "hardcore" drinking drivers, a term coined to refer to those who repeatedly drive with high blood alcohol concentrations and are resistant to changing their behavior. Although such individuals are a legitimate target for attention, focusing predominantly on this group will result in missed opportunities to address a large portion of alcohol-impaired driving crashes. This article provides a review of the primary countermeasures that have been used to reduce alcohol-impaired driving and summarizes evidence for their effectiveness. It asks the question of where, in an environment of limited resources, attention should be focused. Conclusions: General deterrent approaches, such as frequent and highly publicized sobriety checkpoints, have the greatest potential to save lives and should be the mainstay of state and local efforts. Specific deterrent approaches, aimed at deterring DWI offenders from reoffending, such as alcohol ignition interlocks, should be applied to all apprehended drivers, whatever their drinking history. Evidence suggests that they could benefit from them. In the future, advanced in-vehicle technologies that would prevent vehicles from being driven when their drivers are over the legal limit may hold the key to drastically reducing the alcohol-impaired driving problem.     

Risk factors for the severity of injury incurred in crashes involving on-duty police cars

Objective: This article explores the risk factors associated with police cars on routine patrol and/or on an emergency run and their effects on the severity of injuries in crashes.

Methods: The binary probit model is used to examine the effects of important factors on the risk of injuries sustained in crashes involving on-duty police cars.

Results: Several factors significantly increase the probability of crashes that cause severe injuries. Among those causes are police officers who drive at excessive speeds, traffic violations during emergency responses or pursuits, and driving during the evening (6 to 12 p.m.) or in rainy weather. Findings also indicate some potential issues associated with an increase in the probability of crashes that cause injuries. Younger police drivers were found to be more likely to be involved in crashes causing injuries than middle-aged drivers were. Distracted driving by on-duty police officers as well as civilian drivers who did not pull over to let a police car pass in emergency situations also caused serious crashes.

Conclusions: Police cars are exempted from certain traffic laws under emergency circumstances. However, to reduce the probability of being involved in a crash resulting in severe injuries, officers are still obligated to drive safely and follow safety procedures when responding to emergencies or pursuing a car. Enhancement of training techniques for emergency situations or driving in pursuit of an offender and following the safety procedures are essential for safety in driving during an emergency run by police.     

高速公路疲劳驾驶交通事故的控制

针对我国高速公路疲劳驾驶交通事故频发的现状,结合高速公路行车特点,从驾驶员高速行车的生理心理及高速公路行车环境等方面分析高速公路疲劳驾车交通事故原因。根据交通心理学、安全人机学等原理,提出驾驶者自身控制、运输单位内部管理、宣传和舆论、家庭教导、交通部门服务性诱导、交通管理部门的执法和管理等各个方面提出高速公路疲劳驾驶交通事故的控制措施。     

Forfeiture programs in California: why so few?

PROBLEM: It is estimated that at least 75% of suspended or revoked drivers continue to drive illegally. In states like California, there are also a substantial and growing number of people who drive without ever having been licensed. Some states, such as Ohio and California, have enacted vehicle impoundment and forfeiture programs as sanctions to reduce these offenses. Published evaluations indicate that vehicle impoundment laws reduce recidivism and crash rates. However, vehicle forfeiture programs have been less successful, mostly because of low levels of enforcement. METHOD: Police officers and district attorneys from 17 jurisdictions were interviewed by phone or in person to determine current enforcement levels and impediments to more aggressive application of statutory authority. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION: The survey found that most California jurisdictions are enforcing vehicle impoundments for first-time offenders. However, very few jurisdictions were enforcing the vehicle forfeiture law for repeat offenders. Among the reasons for not enforcing the vehicle forfeiture law was a perception that it was too time-consuming and/or not a priority among prosecutors. However, a number of authorities indicated that the simple vehicle impoundment procedure is often functionally equivalent to forfeiture because many drivers fail to retrieve the vehicle at the end of the impoundment period. IMPACT ON INDUSTRY: Vehicle impoundment programs are effective mechanisms in deterring illicit driving, and states should be encouraged to initiate vehicle impoundment laws. States could achieve even greater safety benefits if vehicle forfeiture sanctions were extensively used for repeat offenders. However, based on California's experience, the incremental benefits of vehicle forfeiture (over vehicle impoundment) may not be very great.     

Effectiveness of primary enforcement safety belt laws and enhanced enforcement of safety belt laws: a summary of the Guide to Community Preventive Services systematic reviews

BACKGROUND: The use of safety belts is the single most effective means of reducing fatal and nonfatal injuries in motor-vehicle crashes. This paper summarizes the systematic reviews of two interventions to increase safety belt use: primary enforcement safety belt laws and enhanced enforcement of safety belt laws. The reviews were previously published in the American Journal of Preventive Medicine. METHODS: We conducted the systematic reviews using the methodology developed for the Guide to Community Preventive Services. RESULTS: These reviews provide strong evidence that primary laws are more effective than secondary laws in increasing safety belt use and decreasing fatalities and that enhanced enforcement is effective in increasing safety belt use. Increases in belt use are generally highest in states with low baseline rates of belt use. DISCUSSION: Primary safety belt laws and enhanced enforcement programs tend to result in greater increases in usage rates for target groups with lower baseline rates. Concerns regarding public opposition to these interventions may impede their implementation in some jurisdictions. However, surveys indicate that a substantial majority of the public supports implementation of both primary laws and enhanced enforcement programs. CONCLUSION: Based on the strong evidence for effectiveness of primary safety belt laws and enhanced enforcement programs, the Task Force on Community Preventive Services recommended that all states enact primary safety belt laws and that communities implement enhanced enforcement programs.     

Enhancing the effectiveness of graduated driver licensing legislation

PROBLEM: Many states have enacted graduated driver licensing (GDL) systems in an effort to reduce the very high crash rates of young beginning drivers. This article addresses how to achieve the maximum benefit from GDL by ensuring compliance with protective restrictions. ENHANCING GDL THROUGH SYSTEM STRUCTURE: The major crash reductions due to GDL systems result from the protective restrictions during the initial two levels, which isolate novice drivers from the highest risk driving situations. Accordingly, GDL systems should include protective restrictions that adequately control the greatest dangers facing young drivers: multiple teen passengers and night driving before midnight. ENCOURAGING COMPLIANCE THROUGH SYSTEM STRUCTURE: Including protective restrictions that are supported by parents and teens will encourage compliance. Furthermore, linking a teen's advancement through GDL to demonstrated responsible driving will likely encourage compliance more than threatening punishment for violations. ENCOURAGING COMPLIANCE THROUGH ENFORCEMENT: Parents are in a prime position to enforce most GDL restrictions, but there is some evidence they do not enforce those restrictions that they consider too extreme. Little is currently known about the involvement of law enforcement in GDL systems, but there is potential for high visibility law enforcement activities to encourage compliance with restrictions. IMPACT ON RESEARCH, PRACTICE, AND POLICY: There is a need for better designed GDL systems in many states; more research is needed to examine compliance with restrictions and to evaluate enforcement efforts by parents and law enforcement.     

Motorists' knowledge,attitudes and practices toward alcohol-impaired driving/riding in Ghana

Objectives: The main objective of this study was to establish the knowledge, attitudes, and practices toward drink driving/riding as a risk factor for road traffic crashes in 3 regional capitals in Ghana.

Methods: The study used a face-to-face approach to randomly sample motorists who were accessing various services at fuel/gas stations, garages, and lorry terminals in 3 cities in Ghana.

Results: Over the previous 12 months, 24% of all motorists and 55% of motorists who were current alcohol users reported driving or riding a vehicle within an hour of alcohol intake. On average, motorists/riders who were current alcohol users consumed 4 standard drinks per drinking occasion. Generally, 83% of motorists who currently use alcohol walked, rode, or drove home after consuming alcohol away from their homes. Motorists/riders who reported drink driving were 4 times more likely to have had previous traffic violation arrests compared to those who reported no drink driving/riding (P =.001). Respondents were of the opinion that speeding was the major cause of traffic crashes, followed by driver carelessness, poor road conditions, inexperienced driving, and drink driving, in that order. Thirty-six percent of motorists who use alcohol had the perception that consuming between 6 and 15 standard drinks was the volume of alcohol that will take them to the legal blood alcohol concentration (BAC) limit of 0.08%. Compared to females, male motorists/riders were more likely to report drink driving (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 5.15; 95% confidence interval [CI], 2.31 to 11.47). Private motorists also reported a higher likelihood of drink driving compared to commercial drivers (AOR = 3.36; 95% CI, 1.88 to 6.02). Only 4% of motorists knew the legal BAC limit of Ghana and only 2% had ever been tested for drink driving/riding.

Conclusion: The volumes of alcohol that motorists typically consume per drinking occasion were very high and their estimates of the number of drinks required to reach the legal BAC limit was also very high. Provision of authoritative information advising motorists about safe, responsible, or low-risk levels of alcohol consumption is imperative. Many traffic violations including drink driving were reported, thus suggesting a need for enhanced policing and enforcement. However, given the low level of knowledge of the legal BAC limit, educating motorists about how many drinks will approximate the legal BAC should be intensified prior to an increase in enforcement; otherwise, the desired outcome of enforcement may not be achieved.