Administrative license suspension: Does length of suspension matter?

Objective: Administrative license revocation (ALR) laws, which provide that the license of a driver with a blood alcohol concentration at or over the illegal limit is subject to an immediate suspension by the state department of motor vehicles, are an example of a traffic law in which the sanction rapidly follows the offense. The power of ALR laws has been attributed to how swiftly the sanction is applied, but does the length of suspension matter? Our objectives were to (a) determine the relationship of the ALR suspension length to the prevalence of drinking drivers relative to sober drivers in fatal crashes and (b) estimate the extent to which the relationship is associated to the general deterrent effect compared to the specific deterrent effect of the law.

Methods: Data comparing the impact of ALR law implementation and ALR law suspension periods were analyzed using structural equation modeling techniques on the ratio of drinking drivers to nondrinking drivers in fatal crashes from the Fatality Analysis Reporting System (FARS).

Results: States with an ALR law with a short suspension period (1–30 days) had a significantly lower drinking driver ratio than states with no ALR law. States with a suspension period of 91–180 days had significantly lower ratios than states with shorter suspension periods, while the three states with suspension lengths of 181 days or longer had significantly lower ratios than states with shorter suspension periods.

Discussion: The implementation of any ALR law was associated with a 13.1% decrease in the drinking/nondrinking driver fatal crash ratio but only a 1.8% decrease in the intoxicated/nonintoxicated fatal crash ratio. The ALR laws and suspension lengths had a significant general deterrent effect, but no specific deterrent effect.

Practical Implications: States might want to keep (or adopt) ALR laws for their general deterrent effects and pursue alternatives for specific deterrent effects. States with short ALR suspension periods should consider lengthening them to 91 days or longer.     

Effectiveness of lowering the blood alcohol concentration (BAC) limit for driving from 0.10 to 0.08 grams per deciliter in the United States

Objective: The current study evaluates of the effects of lowering the blood alcohol concentration (BAC) limit from 0.10 to 0.08?g/dL across all 50 states in the United States. Our objectives were to (1) estimate the effects of the 0.08?g/dL BAC limit on drinking driver fatal crash rates; (2) compare the effects from early-adopting states to the effects of late-adopting states; (3) determine the effects on drivers with low BACs (0.01–0.07?g/dL) and high BACs (0.08+ g/dL); and (4) estimate the lives saved since 1983 due to the adoption of 0.08?g/dL BAC laws.

Methods: Our study examined annual data from the Fatality Analysis Reporting System (FARS) for each jurisdiction from 1982 through 2014. Our basic outcome measure was the ratio of drinking drivers (BAC ≥0.01?g/dL) to nondrinking drivers (BAC?=?0.00?g/dL). Covariates included 0.10 BAC laws, administrative license revocation (ALR) laws, seat belt laws, minimum legal drinking age (MLDA) laws, and unemployment rates. We utilized autoregressive integrated moving average (ARIMA) models for each state, where the implementation date of the law was modeled as a zero-order transfer function in the series, in addition to any extant trends that may have been occurring simultaneously. Before determining the specific impact of the implementation of 0.08?g/dL BAC laws, we conducted a time series analysis for each state. We tested for between-state mediating factors relating to our covariates.

Results: A total of 38 of the 51 jurisdictions showed that lowering the BAC limit was associated with reduced drinking driver fatal crash ratios, with 20 of those reductions being significant. The total effects showed a 10.4% reduction in annual drinking driver fatal crash rates, which is estimated to have saved an average of 1,736 lives each year between 1983 and 2014 and 24,868 lives in total. Implementing a BAC limit of 0.08?g/dL had significant impacts on both high- and low-BAC fatal crash ratios. Though early-adopting jurisdictions (1983–1999) demonstrated a larger decrease in fatal drinking driver crash ratios than did late-adopting jurisdictions (2000–2005), the results were not statistically significant (P?>?.05).

Conclusions: Our study of the effects of lowering the BAC from 0.10 to 0.08?g/dL in the United States from 1982 to 2014 showed an overall effect of 10.4% on annual drinking driver fatal crash rates, in line with other multistate studies. This research provides strong evidence of the relationship between lowering the BAC limit for driving and the general deterrent effect on impaired-driving fatal crash rates.     

A comprehensive examination of U.S. laws enacted to reduce alcohol-related crashes among underage drivers

Introduction: To effectively address concerns associated with alcohol-related traffic laws, communities must apply comprehensive and well-coordinated interventions that account for as many factors as possible. The goal of the current research article is to examine and evaluate the simultaneous contribution of 20 underage drinking laws and 3 general driving safety laws, while accounting for demographic, economic, and environmental variables. Methods: Annual fatal crash data (1982 to 2010), policies, and demographic, economic, and environmental information were collected and applied to each of the 51 jurisdictions (50 states and the District of Columbia). A structural equation model was fit to estimate the relative contribution of the variables of interest to alcohol-related crashes. Results: As expected, economic factors (e.g., unemployment rate, cost of alcohol) and alcohol outlet density were found highly relevant to the amount of alcohol teens consume and therefore to teens' impaired driving. Policies such as those regulating the age of bartenders, sellers, or servers; social host civil liability laws; dram shop laws; internal possession of alcohol laws; and fake identification laws do not appear to have the same impact on teens' alcohol-related crash ratios as other types of policies such as those regulating alcohol consumption or alcohol outlet density. Conclusions: This effort illustrates the need for comprehensive models of teens' impaired driving. After simultaneously accounting for as many factors as possible, we found that in general (for most communities) further reductions in alcohol-related crashes among teens might be more rapidly achieved from efforts focused on reducing teens' drinking rather than on reducing teens' driving. Future efforts should be made to develop models that represent specific communities. Practical applications: Based on this and community-specific models, simulation programs can be developed to help communities understand and visualize the impact of various policy alternatives.     

Tracking progress in teenage driver crash risk in the United States since the advent of graduated driver licensing programs

IntroductionThis study examined U.S. teenagers' crash rates since 1996, when the first graduated driver licensing (GDL) program in the United State was implemented.MethodsPassenger vehicle driver crash involvement rates for 16–19 and 30–59 (middle-aged) year-olds were examined, using data from the Fatality Analysis Reporting System, National Automotive Sampling System General Estimates System, Census Bureau, and National Household Travel Surveys.ResultsPer capita fatal and police-reported crash rates in 2012 were lower for 16 year-olds than for middle-aged drivers but older teenagers' rates were higher. Mileage-based fatal and police-reported crash rates in 2008 were higher for teenagers than for middle-aged drivers and higher for 16–17 year-olds than for older teenagers. In 1996–2012, teenagers' per capita fatal and police-reported crash rates declined sharply, especially for 16–17 year-olds, and more so than for middle-aged drivers. Substantial declines also occurred in teenagers' mileage-based fatal and police-reported crash rates from 1995–96 to 2008, generally more so than for middle-aged drivers. Regarding factors in fatal crashes in 1996 and 2012, proportions of young teenagers' crashes occurring at night and with multiple teenage passengers declined, more so than among older teenagers and middle-aged drivers. The proportion of fatally injured drivers who had been drinking declined for teenagers but changed little for middle-aged drivers. Improvements were not apparent in rates of driver errors or speeding among teenage drivers in fatal crashes.ConclusionsTeenage drivers' crash risk dropped during the period of implementation of GDL laws, especially fatal crash types targeted by GDL. However, teenagers' crash risk remains high, and important crash factors remain unaddressed by GDL.Practical applicationsAlthough this study was not designed to examine the role of GDL, the results are consistent with the increased presence of such laws. More gains are achievable if states strengthen their laws.     

The effects of minimum legal drinking age 21 laws on alcohol-related driving in the United States

Objective

To examine trends in alcohol consumption and alcohol-related crashes among people younger than 21 in the United States and to review evidence on the effects of minimum legal drinking age (MLDA) laws.

Methods

Trends in alcohol-related crashes and alcohol consumption among young people were examined, and studies on the effects of lowering and raising the drinking age were reviewed.

Results

MLDA laws underwent many changes during the 20th century in the United States. Since July 1988, the MLDA has been 21 in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. Surveys tracking alcohol consumption among high school students and young adults found that drinking declined since the late 1970 s, and most of the decline occurred by the early 1990 s. These were the years when states were establishing, or reinstating, a MLDA-21. Among fatally injured drivers ages 16-20, the percentage with positive BACs declined from 61% in 1982 to 31% in 1995, a bigger decline than for older age groups; declines occurred among the ages directly affected by raising MLDAs (ages 18-20) and among young teenagers not directly affected (ages 16-17). Almost all studies designed specifically to gauge the effects of drinking age changes show MLDAs of 21 reduce drinking, problematic drinking, drinking and driving, and alcohol-related crashes among young people. Yet many underage people still drink, many drink and drive, and alcohol remains an important risk factor in serious crashes of young drivers, especially as they progress through the teenage years. Stepped-up enforcement of MLDA and drinking and driving laws can reduce underage drinking. Recent efforts to lower MLDAs to 18 and issue licenses to drink upon completion of alcohol education have gained local and national media attention. There is no evidence that alcohol education can even partially replace the effect of MLDA-21.

Conclusions

The cause and effect relationship between MLDAs of 21 and reductions in highway crashes is clear. Initiatives to lower the drinking age to 18 ignore the demonstrated public health benefits of MLDAs of 21.

Impact on Industry

Lowering the drinking age to 18 will increase highway crash deaths among young people.     

Sixteen-year-old drivers in fatal crashes, United States, 2003

OBJECTIVE: Key features of graduated licensing were introduced in 46 states and the District of Columbia between 1993 and 2003. State evaluations consistently have reported positive overall effects and positive effects of nighttime and passenger restrictions. Sixteen year-olds are the main target of graduated licensing, and the present study investigated changes in their fatal crash involvement and crash characteristics that have taken place nationally during 1993-2003. By looking at 16 year-olds nationally, the study does not constitute a direct test of the effect of graduated licensing laws per se. METHODS: Data on fatal crashes were obtained from the Fatality Analysis Reporting System. Sixteen year-olds were compared with older drivers. RESULTS: During these years, the extent to which 16-year-old drivers were in fatal crashes decreased substantially compared with older age groups. The drop in the per capita crash rate for 16 year-olds was 26%. The major change was a reduction in crashes involving transporting young passengers, especially in jurisdictions with restrictions that target these crashes. There was no change in the proportion of fatal late-night crashes even in states restricting this activity. CONCLUSIONS: There has been some progress nationally in reducing the crash problem for 16 year-olds, but this still is a big problem. To achieve further progress, the gaps and weaknesses in present graduated licensing laws will need to be addressed.     

The Illinois .08 law. An evaluation

Lowering state blood alcohol concentration (BAC) limits to 0.08, though controversial, has been supported by most evaluation studies to date. The Illinois .08 BAC law implemented in 1997 provided a unique opportunity to evaluate the effect of the law without the simultaneous passage of an administrative license revocation (ALR) law, which has clouded some previous evaluations of the .08 laws. The proportion of all drinking drivers in fatal crashes was compared before versus after implementing the .08 law using time-series analysis to evaluate 12 years of fatal crash data for Illinois and five bordering states. The results showed that the proportion of drinking drivers in fatal crashes decreased by 14% in Illinois and increased by 3% in bordering states. The proportion of drinking drivers in fatal crashes in Illinois, though increasing since 1995, was sharply reduced after passage of the .08 law in 1997, saving more than 100 lives in 1998 and 1999 than it would have without the .08 law.     

Characteristics of teens-with-teens fatal crashes in the United States, 2005–2010

BackgroundMore than 40% of fatal crashes of 16- and 17-year-old drivers occur when transporting teenagers. Characteristics of this predominant crash type and prevention possibilities are described, based on data from fatal crashes in the United States during 2005–2010.ResultsFifty-seven percent of 16- and 17-year old drivers in fatal crashes had at least one passenger. Most commonly, all passengers were ages 13–19 (42% of all drivers and 73% of those with passengers). Of fatal crashinvolved drivers with teenage passengers and no passengers of other ages, 56% had one passenger, 24% had two, and 20% had three or more. Most frequently, passengers were the same sex and within one year of the driver. Risk factors involving speeding, alcohol use, late-night driving, lack of a valid license, seat belt non-use, and crash responsibility were more prevalent with teenage passengers than when driving alone, and the prevalence of these factors increased with the number of teenage passengers. Many risk factors were most prevalent with passengers ages 20–29, although few crashes had this occupant configuration. Risk factors were least prevalent with a passenger 30 or older.DiscussionFatal crashes of 16- and 17-year-old drivers with teen passengers are a common crash scenario, despite passenger restrictions in 42 states and the District of Columbia during some or all of the study period. The proportion of these fatal crashes decreased slightly from 46% in 1995 (pre-GDL) to 43% in 2010 and showed no signs of decreasing during the six-year study period (range 41% to 43%).Practical applicationsExisting passenger restrictions are relatively weak and could be strengthened. Fatal crashes involving teen passengers, especially multiple passengers, are more likely to involve alcohol, late-night driving, driver error, and invalid licensure, so stepped-up enforcement of existing laws involving these behaviors might reduce the prevalence of such crashes.     

Impact of primary safety belt laws on alcohol-related front-seat occupant fatalities: five case studies

OBJECTIVE: Impaired drivers and other high-risk road users are less likely to use their safety belts, thus increasing the risk of fatal injury in the event of a crash. Although safety belt laws have been shown to increase wearing rates for daytime non-crash-involved drivers and their front-seat passengers, little evidence is available on the effect these laws have on belt usage by crash-involved drinking drivers and their passengers. METHODS: This study evaluated the influence of primary safety belt law upgrades from secondary laws on front-seat occupants of passenger cars driven by drinking drivers in fatal crashes in five states: California, Illinois, Maryland, Michigan, and Washington. The outcome measures used to evaluate these law upgrades were (1) the change in safety belt usage rates of front-seat occupants in passenger cars driven by drinking drivers in fatal crashes and (2) the change in alcohol-related front-seat occupant fatalities in passenger cars driven by drinking drivers. RESULTS: Four of the five states demonstrated increases in safety belt use by front-seat occupants of passenger cars of drinking drivers in fatal crashes following the upgrade to primary safety belt laws. Three states (California, Michigan, and Washington) experienced significant reductions in the number of front-seat occupant fatalities in vehicles driven by drinking drivers. CONCLUSIONS: The adoption of primary law upgrades was associated with significant increases in safety belt use (four of five states) and significant reductions in fatalities among high-risk occupants (i.e., front-seat occupants involved in fatal crashes in vehicles driven by drinking drivers) in three of the five states studied.     

The impact of retail beverage service training and social host laws on adolescents' DUI rates in San Diego County,California

Introduction: Driving under the influence (DUI) citations are still a serious concern among drivers aged 16–20 years and have been shown to be related to increased risk of fatal and nonfatal crashes. A battery of laws and policies has been enacted to address this concern. Though numerous studies have evaluated these policies, there is still a need for comprehensive policy evaluations that take into account a variety of contextual factors. Previous effort by this research team examined the impact of 20 minimum legal drinking age–21 laws in the state of California, as they impacted alcohol-related crash rates among drivers under 21 years of age while at the same time accounting for alcohol and gas taxes, unemployment rates, sex distribution among drivers, and sobriety checkpoints. The current research seeks to expand this evaluation to the county level (San Diego County). More specifically, we evaluate the impact of measures subject to county control such as retail beverage service (RBS) laws and social host (SH) laws, as well as media coverage, city employment, alcohol outlet density, number of sworn officers, alcohol consumption, and taxation policies, to determine the most effective point of intervention for communities seeking to reduce underage DUI citations.

Methods: Annual DUI citation data (2000 to 2013), RBS and SH policies, and city-wide demographic, economic, and environmental information were collected and applied to each of the 20 cities in San Diego County, California. A structural equation model was fit to estimate the relative contribution of the variables of interest to DUI citation rates.

Results: Alcohol consumption and alcohol outlet density both demonstrated a significant increase in DUI rates, whereas RBS laws, SH laws, alcohol tax rates, media clusters, gas tax rates, and unemployment rates demonstrated significant decreases in DUI rates.

Conclusions: At the county level, although RBS laws, SH laws, and media efforts were found to contribute to a significant reduction in DUI rates, the largest significant contributors to reducing DUI rates were alcohol and gas taxation rates. Policy makers interested in reducing DUI rates among teenagers should examine these variables within their specific communities and consider conducting community-specific research to determine the best way to do so. Future efforts should be made to develop models that represent specific communities who are interested in reducing DUI rates among drivers aged 16–20 years.     

Effects of turning on and off red light cameras on fatal crashes in large U.S. cities

IntroductionThis study updates estimates of effects of activating red light cameras and offers a first look at effects of turning them off.MethodAmong 117 large U.S. cities with more than 200,000 residents in 2014, trends in citywide per capita rates of fatal red light running crashes and of all fatal crashes at signalized intersections were compared between 57 cities that initiated camera programs during 1992–2014 and 33 cities without cameras to examine effects of activating camera programs. Trends also were compared between 19 cities that removed cameras and 31 regionally matched cities with continuous camera programs to evaluate effects of terminating camera programs. Because several cities removed cameras during 2005–2008 and estimated effects might have been confounded by the subsequent economic downturn, primary analyses were limited to the 14 cities that removed cameras during 2010–2014 and 29 regionally matched cities with continuous camera programs. Poisson regression examined the relationship of activating and deactivating cameras with fatal crash rates.ResultsAfter controlling for temporal trends in annual fatal crash rates, population density, and unemployment rates, rates of fatal red light running crashes and of all fatal crashes at signalized intersections were 21% and 14% lower, respectively, in cities with cameras after cameras were turned on than would have been expected without cameras; 30% and 16% higher, respectively, in 14 cities that terminated cameras during 2010–2014 after cameras were terminated than expected had cameras remained; and 18% and 8% higher, respectively, in all 19 cities that removed cameras, but not significantly.ConclusionsThis study adds to the body of evidence that red light cameras can reduce the most serious crashes at signalized intersections, and is the first to demonstrate that removing cameras increases fatal crashes.Practical applicationsCommunities thinking about removing cameras should consider impacts to safety.     

Effects of lane departure warning on police-reported crash rates

ObjectiveTo evaluate the effects of lane departure warning (LDW) on single-vehicle, sideswipe, and head-on crashes.MethodPolice-reported data for the relevant crash types were obtained from 25 U.S. states for the years 2009–2015. Observed counts of crashes with fatalities, injuries, and of all severities for vehicles with LDW were compared with expected counts based on crash involvement rates for the same passenger vehicles without LDW, with exposure by vehicle series, model year, and lighting system standardized between groups. For relevant crashes of all severities and those with injuries, Poisson regression was used to estimate the benefits of LDW while also controlling for demographic variables; fatal crashes were too infrequent to be modeled.ResultsWithout accounting for driver demographics, vehicles with LDW had significantly lower involvement rates in crashes of all severities (18%), in those with injuries (24%), and in those with fatalities (86%). Adding controls for driver demographics in the Poisson regression reduced the estimated benefit of LDW only modestly in crashes of all severities (11%, p < 0.05) and in crashes with injuries (21%, p < 0.07).ConclusionsLane departure warning is preventing the crash types it is designed to address, even after controlling for driver demographics. Results suggest that thousands of lives each year could be saved if every passenger vehicle in the United States were equipped with a lane departure warning system that performed like the study systems.Practical applicationsPurchase of LDW should be encouraged, and, because drivers do not always keep the systems turned on, future efforts should focus on designing systems to encourage greater use and educating consumers about the benefits of using the systems.     

Child passengers injured in motor vehicle crashes

IntroductionDuring 2010, 171,000 children aged 0–14 were injured in motor vehicle crashes. Despite the severity of the problem, research has been limited, and most of what we know about these children emanates from fatal crash databases.MethodUsing information from the General Estimates System, this effort examines the occurrence of non-fatal crashes among children aged 0–14 over the last decade.ResultsWe found that about 1% of the non-injured children in the file had been driven by a driver who was positive for alcohol. This percentage climbed to about 2% among children who had suffered injuries. Compared with the proportion of alcohol-positive drivers at the time of the crash, the proportion of drivers who sped or failed to obey a traffic signal was significantly higher.Practical applicationsThe finding that drinking and driving with children did not decrease over time questions the adequacy of the extant child endangerment laws.     

Teenage driver crash incidence and factors influencing crash injury by rurality

BackgroundPrevious research has identified teenage drivers as having an increased risk for motor-vehicle crash injury compared with older drivers, and rural roads as having increased crash severity compared with urban roads. Few studies have examined incidence and characteristics of teen driver-involved crashes on rural and urban roads.MethodsAll crashes involving a driver aged 10 through 18 were identified from the Iowa Department of Transportation crash data from 2002 through 2008. Rates of overall crashes and fatal or severe injury crashes were calculated for urban, suburban, rural, and remote rural areas. The distribution of driver and crash characteristics were compared between rural and urban crashes. Logistic regression was used to identify driver and crash characteristics associated with increased odds of fatal or severe injury among urban and rural crashes.ResultsFor younger teen drivers (age 10 through 15), overall crash rates were higher for more rural areas, although for older teen drivers (age 16 through 18) the overall crash rates were lower for rural areas. Rural teen crashes were nearly five times more likely to lead to a fatal or severe injury crash than urban teen crashes. Rural crashes were more likely to involve single vehicles, be late at night, involve a failure to yield the right-of-way and crossing the center divider.ConclusionsIntervention programs to increase safe teen driving in rural areas need to address specific risk factors associated with rural roadways.Impact on IndustryTeen crashes cause lost work time for teen workers as well as their parents. Industries such as safety, health care, and insurance have a vested interest in enhanced vehicle safety, and these efforts should address risks and injury differentials in urban and rural roadways.     

Crash risk of ESC-fitted passenger cars

Objective: We examined both fatal and injury at-fault crashes of a population of passenger cars fitted with electronic stability control (ESC). Crash rates were calculated in relation to both registration years and mileage. Crash rates were also calculated for a non-ESC car population and crash rate ratios were calculated to compare the crash risk between ESC-fitted and non-ESC-fitted passenger cars.

Methods: Passenger car models with and without ESC were identified (ESC-equipped cars: 3,352,813 registration years; non-ESC-equipped: 5,839,946 registration years) and their vehicle information for the period 2009–2013, including mileage (ESC-equipped vehicles: 89.3 billion kilometers; non-ESC-equipped: 72.4 billion kilometers), was drawn from the national Vehicular and Driver Data Register.

The registry of Finnish road accident investigation teams was accessed and all fatal at-fault crashes among the cars in the study populations (ESC 97; non-ESC 377) for the period 2009–2013 were analyzed. The motor insurance database includes at-fault crashes leading to injuries and was utilized for analyses (ESC: N?=?8,827, non-ESC: N?=?21,437).

Crash rates and crash rate ratios were calculated to evaluate crash risk of both ESC-equipped and non-ESC-equipped passenger cars. Poisson regression was used to model crash involvement rate ratios both per registration year and per mileage for vehicles with ESC and without ESC, controlling for age and gender of the vehicle owner and vehicle mass.

Results: Passenger cars fitted with ESC showed lower crash rates than non-ESC-equipped cars in all crash types studied. In general, the difference in crash rates between ESC-equipped and non-ESC-equipped vehicles was greater when the crashes were compared to the mileage rather than registration years. The mileage-proportional crash rate of ESC-equipped cars was 64% (95% confidence interval, 61%; 67%) lower in run-off-road crashes resulting in injury and as much as 82% (65%; 91%) lower in fatal run-off-road crashes when suicides and disease attacks were not taken into account.

Conclusions: Our results show that modern passenger cars provide a significant crash risk reduction, which depends on both ESC and passive safety features introduced. Results also show that exposure evaluation in terms of registration years (or vehicle population) instead of true mileage can provide an overly pessimistic view of the crash risk.     

Effects of legal BAC limits on fatal crash involvement: analyses of 28 states from 1976 through 2002

PROBLEM: Hundreds of laws have been implemented in the United States over the past few decades designed to reduce alcohol-impaired driving and the crashes that often result. One approach has been to lower the legally allowable alcohol concentration for drivers. We examined the effects of changes in legal BAC limit in 28 U.S. states from January, 1976 to December, 2002. METHOD: An interrupted time-series quasi-experimental design was used, incorporating non-alcohol-related crashes as comparisons. Four outcome measures of alcohol-related crash involvement were examined: single-vehicle nighttime, BAC=0.01-0.07, BAC=0.08-0.14, and BAC>/=0.15. Missing BAC test result data were handled by using multiple imputations. Analyses involved estimation of state-specific ARIMA models, controlling for other factors affecting overall crash rates and other major DUI policy changes. Inverse variance weighting methods were used to pool results across states for the most precise underlying estimate of effect of legal BAC limits. RESULTS: Considerable state by state variability in estimated effects was observed, but results from the pooled analyses were clear and consistent. Changes in legal BAC limits significantly affected alcohol-related fatal crash involvement for both the SVN and BAC test result measures, and the laws affected drivers at all drinking levels. SUMMARY: An estimated 360 deaths are prevented each year in the United States as a result of the move from a 0.10 to 0.08 legal limit in recent years, and an additional 538 lives could be saved each year if the United States reduced the limit to 0.05, consistent with limits in most countries worldwide. IMPACT ON INDUSTRY: Given the significant effects of lower legal BAC limits on fatal crash involvement, businesses should support implementation of laws that further reduce the legal BAC limit for all drivers. Furthermore, all companies should set higher standards for employees, such as a zero allowable BAC limit for driving during work time.     

Underage drinking: frequency, consequences, and interventions

OBJECTIVES: To examine the frequency of underage drinking, driving after drinking and alcohol-related crashes, trends in these behaviors, and promising interventions. METHODS: We examined drinking and drinking- and-driving behaviors reported in the United States in the 2001 U.S. National Household Survey of Drug Abuse, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 2001 Youth Risk Behavior Survey, the 1992 National Longitudinal Alcohol Epidemiologic Study, and the 1999 National Survey of Drinking and Driving conducted for the National Highway Traffic Administration. We also examined the 1999 European School Survey Project on Alcohol and Other Drugs. Alcohol-related fatal crashes were examined from the U.S. Fatality Analysis Reporting System. Evaluation of interventions to reduce teenage drinking and driving after drinking were reviewed. RESULTS: In the United States, 19% of youth ages 12-20 consumed five or more drinks on an occasion in the past 30 days. Although European nations have lower legal drinking ages (16-18) than in the United States (21), similar proportions engage in underage drinking. In two-thirds of European countries, a greater percentage of 15-16 year-olds drank five or more drinks on an occasion in the past month than in the United States. In both the United States and Europe, the earlier people begin to drink, the greater the likelihood of developing alcohol dependence and other alcohol-related problems, including alcohol-related crash involvement, during adolescence and adult years. During the past 20 years alcohol-related traffic deaths among people younger than 21 have been cut in half in the United States, but progress has halted since 1995 and the problem is still large. Interventions shown by research to reduce alcohol-related crashes among youth include raising the legal drinking age to 21, zero tolerance laws, and some interventions that are family, school, or community based. CONCLUSIONS: Despite research showing that a variety of interventions can reduce underage drinking and alcohol-related crash fatalities, the frequency of these behaviors remains high and the average age of drinking initiation is declining in the United States. Efforts are needed to enhance publicized enforcement of underage drinking laws. Comprehensive community interventions that include enforcement of these laws also are needed.     

National evaluation of the effect of graduated driver licensing laws on teenager fatality and injury crashes

ProblemAutomobile crashes remain a prominent cause of death and injury for teenagers in the United States. While it is generally agreed that graduated drivers licensing (GDL) influences crash rates, it is unclear which components have the strongest effect on any specific types of crashes.MethodWe analyze the relative effect of different stages of GDL on teenage fatal and injury crash risk via a negative binomial generalized linear model with random state effects. Overall, nighttime, and crashes with multiple teenage passengers are considered.ResultsThe strongest effects are seen by 16-year-olds, for which a strict permit stage is associated with a 58% reduction in fatal crash risk over a lenient permit stage. Similar reductions are seen for injury crashes. The intermediate stage, involving nighttime and passenger restrictions, is associated with a 44% reduction in fatalities but has relatively little effect on injury crashes. The strongest effects are generally seen for passenger crashes, followed by nighttime, and then overall crashes.Impact on IndustryThis study identifies stronger relationships between GDL and crash risk than has previously been discovered and captures the relative effects of permit and intermediate licensing restrictions, two high-level components of GDL which differ in intent and implementation.     

Self-reported seatbelt use,United States, 2002–2010: Does prevalence vary by state and type of seatbelt law?

ProblemMotor-vehicle crashes are a leading cause of death in the United States. Seatbelts are highly effective in preventing serious injury and death in the event of a crash. Not all states have primary enforcement of seatbelt laws.MethodsData from the 2002, 2006, 2008, and 2010 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System were used to calculate prevalence of seatbelt use by state and type of state seatbelt law (primary vs. secondary enforcement).Results and discussionSelf-reported seatbelt use among adults in the United States increased steadily between 2002 and 2010, with the national prevalence reaching 87% in 2010. Overall, seatbelt use in 2010 was 9 percentage points higher in the states with primary enforcement laws than in the states with secondary enforcement laws (89% vs. 80%). Impact on industry: Primary enforcement seatbelt laws and enhanced enforcement of seatbelt laws are proven strategies for increasing seatbelt use and reducing traffic fatalities.     

Motorcycle crashes potentially preventable by three crash avoidance technologies on passenger vehicles

Objective: The objective of this study was to identify and quantify the motorcycle crash population that would be potential beneficiaries of 3 crash avoidance technologies recently available on passenger vehicles.

Methods: Two-vehicle crashes between a motorcycle and a passenger vehicle that occurred in the United States during 2011–2015 were classified by type, with consideration of the functionality of 3 classes of passenger vehicle crash avoidance technologies: frontal crash prevention, lane maintenance, and blind spot detection. Results were expressed as the percentage of crashes potentially preventable by each type of technology, based on all known types of 2-vehicle crashes and based on all crashes involving motorcycles.

Results: Frontal crash prevention had the largest potential to prevent 2-vehicle motorcycle crashes with passenger vehicles. The 3 technologies in sum had the potential to prevent 10% of fatal 2-vehicle crashes and 23% of police-reported crashes. However, because 2-vehicle crashes with a passenger vehicle represent fewer than half of all motorcycle crashes, these technologies represent a potential to avoid 4% of all fatal motorcycle crashes and 10% of all police-reported motorcycle crashes.

Discussion: Refining the ability of passenger vehicle crash avoidance systems to detect motorcycles represents an opportunity to improve motorcycle safety. Expanding the capabilities of these technologies represents an even greater opportunity. However, even fully realizing these opportunities can affect only a minority of motorcycle crashes and does not change the need for other motorcycle safety countermeasures such as helmets, universal helmet laws, and antilock braking systems.