Mandating interlocks for fully revoked offenders: the New Mexico experience

OBJECTIVE: In New Mexico, between July 1999 and December 2002, the installation of an ignition interlock was an optional judicial sanction for second and third driving-while-impaired (DWI) offenders. This is a study of the recidivism of 437 offenders who were convicted and installed interlocks for an average of 322 days during that period. METHODS: The comparison group was a stratified random sample (N = 12,554) of the 20,949 offenders who were convicted during the same period but did not install interlocks. DWI arrest and conviction data for all study participants were received from the Motor Vehicle Department's Citation Tracking System. RESULTS: Only 11 (2.5%) of the interlock offender group were rearrested for DWI while interlocks were installed, whereas 1,017 (8.1%) of the comparison group were rearrested during an equivalent 322-day period. Survival graphs and Cox proportional hazard regression analyses were used to compare the interlock and noninterlock groups during installation, after installation, and for the entire period up to December 2004. Results indicate a reduction in recidivism of 65% during installation. After removal, there was no significant difference in recidivism rates in a 3-year follow-up period. Following all offenders for 4 years, including both the period while the interlock was installed and the period after its removal, indicates that the difference in recidivism achieved during installation, though not increased, is maintained, so at the end of 4 years, interlock users still have lower total recidivism than nonusers. CONCLUSIONS: The magnitude of interlock effectiveness reported here is similar to those in other published studies with comparable samples.     

A note on the effectiveness of the house-arrest alternative for motivating DWI offenders to install ignition interlocks

Introduction

The effectiveness of ignition interlocks at reducing drunk driving has been limited by the ability of driving-while-intoxicated (DWI) offenders to avoid court orders to install the devices.

Methods

In a pilot program in New Mexico, four Santa Fe County judges imposed home confinement (via electronic monitoring bracelets) on offenders who claimed to have no car or no intention to drive. Interlock installation rates for Santa Fe County were compared with all other counties in New Mexico over a 2-year program and 2-year post-program period.

Results

During the two program years, 70% of the drivers convicted of DWI in Santa Fe County installed interlocks, compared to only 17% in the other counties, but when the program was terminated, the Santa Fe installation rate fell by 18.8 percentage points.

Summary

Mandating the alternative sanction of house arrest led to the highest reported interlock installation rate for DWI offenders.

Impact on Industry

Impaired driving is a substantial expense to employers, particularly when it bars driving that interferes with employment. Interlocks provide a method of protecting the public while permitting the offender to drive sober. This study was directed at increasing interlock use by DWI offenders.     

An evaluation of the implementation of ignition interlock in California

Problem: This study evaluates the degree to which courts have implemented California's ignition interlock program, and surveys judges and district/city attorneys to identify barriers to implementing a successful interlock program. Method: There are three parts to the evaluation. In the first, a sample of drivers arrested for driving on a driving under the influence (DUI)-suspended driver license was examined to calculate the rate at which courts order interlocks for DUI-suspended drivers, as required by California law. The second part of the study used Department of Motor Vehicle (DMV) records to count the statewide rate of court-ignition interlock device (IID) orders across time and jurisdictions. The final part surveyed judges, district/city attorneys, and offenders installing an interlock to obtain information about their use of interlock, barriers to implementing an interlock program, and the effectiveness of the devices in preventing drinking and driving. Results: It was found that conviction rates for driving while suspended are low; that judges order interlocks for only a fraction of the convicted driving-while-suspended (DWS) offenders who should receive such an order; and that the majority of offenders who are ordered by the court to install an ignition interlock in their vehicle do not do so. Impact on Industry: Any successful interlock program will need to find a way to balance the inability of many offenders to pay for the devices, with the need for the industry to remain economically viable.     

Interlocks for first offenders: effective?

OBJECTIVE: Vehicle interlocks have been shown to effectively reduce the recidivism of multiple driving-while-impaired (DWI) offenders; however, the evidence for their effectiveness with first offenders has been mixed. Two Canadian studies found that the installation of an interlock reduced first DWI recidivism, but U.S. studies in West Virginia and California failed to find a significant reduction in recidivism for first DWI offenders in interlock programs. The objective of this study was to determine the extent to which such devices were effective with first offenders in New Mexico. METHODS: This study compared 1,461 first offenders, who installed interlocks in New Mexico between January 1, 2003, and December 1, 2005, with 17,562 first offenders convicted during the same period who did not install the units. Cox multivariate proportional hazards regression (CMVPHR) was used to compare recidivism rates during three periods: while the interlock was on the vehicles of offenders who installed them, after those offenders removed the units until the end of the study period (approximately 2 years), and for the combined period (both while the interlock was installed and after it was removed). RESULTS: While the device was on the vehicles of the interlock group, their recidivism rate, 2.6% per year of exposure, was significantly less than the 7.1% per year rate of the comparison group (CMVPHR hazard ratio = 0.39, p < 0.0001). After the device was removed, the annualized recidivism rate of the interlock group increased to 4.9% per year of exposure, which was less than the 6.7% rate of the comparison group, but the hazard ratio was not statistically significant (CMVPHR hazard ratio = 0.82, p = 0.16). When the combined periods (interlock on and off) were considered, the interlock group had a recidivism rate of 3.9% per year, which again was significantly lower than the 6.8% rate for the comparison group (CMVPHR hazard ratio = 0.61, p < 0.0001). CONCLUSION: The study provides evidence that interlocks are as effective with first offenders (approximately 60% reduction in recidivism when on the vehicle) as they are for multiple offenders. In addition, the benefits of requiring an interlock for first offenders exceed the costs by a factor of three.     

Alcohol-impaired driving in the United States: contributors to the problem and effective countermeasures

Objective: To review the effectiveness of current countermeasures in alcohol-impaired driving. Method: This article provides an overview of the contributors to the alcohol-impaired driving problem in the United States and reviews the effectiveness of alcohol-impaired driving countermeasures. Results: Many effective countermeasures have been used during the past few decades both to deter drivers from driving when they are over the legal limit for alcohol and to discourage driving while intoxicated (DWI) offenders from reoffending once they have been caught and convicted. In recent years, greater attention has been given to the problem of "hardcore" drinking drivers, a term coined to refer to those who repeatedly drive with high blood alcohol concentrations and are resistant to changing their behavior. Although such individuals are a legitimate target for attention, focusing predominantly on this group will result in missed opportunities to address a large portion of alcohol-impaired driving crashes. This article provides a review of the primary countermeasures that have been used to reduce alcohol-impaired driving and summarizes evidence for their effectiveness. It asks the question of where, in an environment of limited resources, attention should be focused. Conclusions: General deterrent approaches, such as frequent and highly publicized sobriety checkpoints, have the greatest potential to save lives and should be the mainstay of state and local efforts. Specific deterrent approaches, aimed at deterring DWI offenders from reoffending, such as alcohol ignition interlocks, should be applied to all apprehended drivers, whatever their drinking history. Evidence suggests that they could benefit from them. In the future, advanced in-vehicle technologies that would prevent vehicles from being driven when their drivers are over the legal limit may hold the key to drastically reducing the alcohol-impaired driving problem.     

The impact of mandatory versus voluntary participation in the Alberta ignition interlock program

Research has demonstrated that participation in an interlock program significantly reduces the likelihood of subsequent driving while intoxicated (DWI) convictions at least so long as the interlock device is installed in the vehicle. Despite the growing number of jurisdictions that allow interlock programs and the demonstrated success of these programs, the proportion of DWI offenders who actually have the device installed is minimal. In an effort to increase the proportion of offenders using interlocks, some jurisdictions require offenders to install an interlock as a condition of license reinstatement whereas others merely offer offenders a reduction in the period of hard suspension if they voluntarily participate in an interlock program. The objective of the present study was to determine the extent to which voluntary interlock participants are more or less successful in terms of subsequent recidivism than those for whom interlock program participation has been mandated. The issue was addressed using data from the interlock program in Alberta, Canada, which provides for both mandatory and voluntary participation. The recidivism experience of voluntary and mandatory interlock participants was examined both during and after the period of interlock installation. Cox regression revealed that, after controlling for (or equating) the number of prior DWI offenses, the survival rates of DWI offenders who were ordered to participate in the interlock program did not differ from those of voluntary participants. These results suggest that further use of mandatory interlock programs should be just as successful as voluntary programs when offenders share characteristics with those studied in Alberta.     

The impact of mandatory versus voluntary participation in the Alberta ignition interlock program

Research has demonstrated that participation in an interlock program significantly reduces the likelihood of subsequent driving while intoxicated (DWI) convictions at least so long as the interlock device is installed in the vehicle. Despite the growing number of jurisdictions that allow interlock programs and the demonstrated success of these programs, the proportion of DWI offenders who actually have the device installed is minimal. In an effort to increase the proportion of offenders using interlocks, some jurisdictions require offenders to install an interlock as a condition of license reinstatement whereas others merely offer offenders a reduction in the period of hard suspension if they voluntarily participate in an interlock program. The objective of the present study was to determine the extent to which voluntary interlock participants are more or less successful in terms of subsequent recidivism than those for whom interlock program participation has been mandated. The issue was addressed using data from the interlock program in Alberta, Canada, which provides for both mandatory and voluntary participation. The recidivism experience of voluntary and mandatory interlock participants was examined both during and after the period of interlock installation. Cox regression revealed that, after controlling for (or equating) the number of prior DWI offenses, the survival rates of DWI offenders who were ordered to participate in the interlock program did not differ from those of voluntary participants. These results suggest that further use of mandatory interlock programs should be just as successful as voluntary programs when offenders share characteristics with those studied in Alberta.     

Hardcore drinking drivers and other contributors to the alcohol-impaired driving problem: need for a comprehensive approach

OBJECTIVE: Understanding the hardcore drinking driver concept in the context of the alcohol-impaired driving problem. METHOD: Review of the relevant literature. RESULTS: As progress against alcohol-impaired driving slowed in the early 1990s, public and political attention turned to "hardcore" drinking drivers, and they have been a priority for the past 15 years. Though intuitive, the hardcore concept has been difficult to conceptualize. Its definition of hard-to-change chronic heavy drinking drivers focuses on a group that is not easily identifiable and ignores many who account for a large portion of alcohol-impaired driving crashes. These include drivers who drink heavily on occasion and drivers who drink at more moderate levels that elevate crash risk. Emphasis on the hardcore has focused attention on the small proportion of drinking drivers who have been detected and arrested, whereas the vast majority of drinking drivers go undetected. Some countermeasures aimed at the hardcore group have been effective in reducing recidivism, but attention and resources also need to be given to general deterrent initiatives (e.g., 0.08 g/dL, sobriety checkpoints, administrative license suspension). There has been no reduction in the overall alcohol-impaired driving problem since the mid-1990s. CONCLUSION: Reductions in the alcohol-impaired driving problem require that attention be focused on all relevant target groups. Some benefits could accrue by recognizing that countermeasures developed for hardcore drinking drivers, such as alcohol ignition interlocks and vehicle or plate impoundment, might also be effective with more numerous first-time offenders. However, such strategies are likely to be most effective against recidivism (specific deterrence). Greater gains could be achieved through general deterrent efforts (increasing the real and perceived risk of arrest and punishment to all drinking drivers), along with application of public health measures designed to reduce overall consumption. Additional ways need to be found to separate drinking and driving, either through cultural changes in drinking and/or driving behavior or, in the future, with the use of technology that can make vehicles inoperable by drivers with illegal blood alcohol concentrations.     

An evaluation of the Swedish ignition interlock program

The Swedish alcohol ignition interlock program for driving while intoxicated (DWI) offenders, both first-time as well as multiple offenders, was launched as a pilot project in 1999. It is a volunteer program and differs in some respects from other programs: It covers a period of 2 years, it includes very strict medical regulations entailing regular checkups by a physician, it does not require a prior period of hard suspension, and it focuses strongly on changes in alcohol habits. Records from the 5 years prior to the offence showed that DWI offenders are generally in a high-risk category long before their offense, with a four to five times higher accident rate (road accidents reported by the police) and a three to four times higher rate of hospitalization due to a road accident. Only 12% of the eligible DWI offenders took part in the program and, of these, 60% could be diagnosed as alcohol dependent or alcohol abusers. During the program, alcohol consumption is monitored through self-esteem questionnaires (AUDIT) and five different biological markers. Our data show a noticeable reduction in alcohol consumption among the interlock users. This, combined with the high rate of compliance with the regulations, probably accounts for the fact that there was no case of recidivism during the program. Preliminary findings also suggest a reduction in the annual accident rate for interlock users while in the program. It still is too early to draw any conclusions concerning the rate of recidivism after completion of the program due to an insufficient amount of data for analysis. Nevertheless, the preliminary results are so promising that the program will now be expanded to cover all of Sweden as well as to include all driver's license categories.     

The effects of persistent audible seat belt reminders and a speed-limiting interlock on the seat belt use of drivers who do not always use a seat belt

Introduction: Vehicle technologies that increase seat belt use can save thousands of lives each year. Kidd, Singer, Huey, and Kerfoot (2018) found that a gearshift interlock was more effective for increasing seat belt use than an intermittent audible reminder, but interlocks may not be more effective than persistent audible reminders lasting at least 90 seconds. Method: Forty-nine part-time belt users with a recent seat belt citation who self-reported not always using a seat belt drove two vehicles for 1 week each. Thirty-three drove a Chevrolet with an intermittent audible reminder followed by either a BMW with a persistent 90-second audible reminder (n = 17) or a Subaru with an incessant audible reminder (n = 16). The other 16 participants experienced the BMW persistent reminder followed by an interlock that limited speed to 15 mph during unbelted driving. These data were combined with data from 32 part-time belt users in Kidd et al. (2018) who experienced the intermittent reminder for 2 weeks or the intermittent reminder for 1 week and a gearshift interlock the next. Results: Relative to the intermittent reminder, seat belt use was significantly increased an estimated 30% by the BMW persistent reminder, 34% by the Subaru incessant reminder, and 33% by the speed-limiting interlock. Belt use was increased an estimated 16% by the gearshift interlock, but this change was not significant. More participants circumvented the speed-limiting interlock to drive unbelted than the audible reminders. Responses to a poststudy survey indicated that interlocks were less acceptable than reminders. Conclusions: Audible reminders lasting at least 90 seconds and a speed-limiting interlock were more effective for increasing seat belt use than an intermittent audible reminder, but reminders were found more acceptable. Practical applications: Strengthening existing U.S. safety standards to require audible reminders lasting at least 90 seconds for front-row occupants could save up to 1,489 lives annually.     

Alcohol ignition interlock programs

The alcohol ignition interlock is an in-vehicle DWI control device that prevents a car from starting until the operator provides a breath alcohol concentration (BAC) test below a set level, usually .02% (20 mg/dl) to .04% (40 mg/dl). The first interlock program was begun as a pilot test in California 18 years ago; today all but a few US states, and Canadian provinces have interlock enabling legislation. Sweden has recently implemented a nationwide interlock program. Other nations of the European Union and as well as several Australian states are testing it on a small scale or through pilot research. This article describes the interlock device and reviews the development and current status of interlock programs including their public safety benefit and the public practice impediments to more widespread adoption of these DWI control devices. Included in this review are (1) a discussion of the technological breakthroughs and certification standards that gave rise to the design features of equipment that is in widespread use today; (2) a commentary on the growing level of adoption of interlocks by governments despite the judicial and legislative practices that prevent more widespread use of them; (3) a brief overview of the extant literature documenting a high degree of interlock efficacy while installed, and the rapid loss of their preventative effect on repeat DWI once they are removed from the vehicles; (4) a discussion of the representativeness of subjects in the current research studies; (5) a discussion of research innovations, including motivational intervention efforts that may extend the controlling effect of the interlock, and data mining research that has uncovered ways to use the stored interlock data record of BAC tests in order to predict high risk drivers; and (6) a discussion of communication barriers and conceptual rigidities that may be preventing the alcohol ignition interlock from taking a more prominent role in the arsenal of tools used to control DWI. Whether interlock programs can help public policymakers achieve their expressed goals of substantially reducing the level of impaired driving will remain uncertain until procedural barriers and intransigent judiciary practices can be overcome that provide for more systematic routine use of interlock programs. Despite strong effectiveness evidence in all studies to date, the real potential of this technology to reduce the road toll cannot be estimated until they are more widely adopted.     

The alcohol interlock: an underutilized resource for predicting and controlling drunk drivers

This report summarizes evidence presented during the Third Annual Ignition Interlock Symposium at Vero Beach, Florida, 29 October 2002. The ignition interlock prevents a car from starting when blood alcohol concentration (BAC) is elevated. We review some of our prior work as well as introduce previously unpublished results to demonstrate the manner in which the data recorded by the alcohol ignition interlock device can serve as an advance predictor of future driving under the influence (DUI) of alcohol risks. Data used in this current report represent approximately 2,200 ignition interlock users from Alberta, Canada, and about 8,000 interlock users from Quebec, Canada; the Alberta data set contained 5.5 million breath tests and the Quebec data 18.8 million breath tests. All tests are time and date stamped and this information was used to characterize patterns of BAC and vehicle use, and the relationship between BAC elevations and DUI offenses that accumulated after the interlock was removed from the vehicles. Findings from Cox regression (Marques et al., 2003) show that BAC elevations > .02-.04% are more potent predictors of repeat DUI (p < .0001) than even prior DUI (p < .006), usually found to be the strongest indicator of driver risk. Prior DUI obviously has no use for scaling the risk of first-time offenders. Drivers who are both multiple offenders and who have more than a few elevated interlock BAC tests are much more likely to repeat DUI. The timing and pattern of elevated BAC tests provided during the time drivers were required to use an alcohol ignition interlock device are remarkably similar on both a daily basis and an hourly basis when the interlock programs from the two provinces are compared directly. Both provinces had higher rates of elevated tests on Saturday and Sunday, and the fewest elevated tests on Tuesdays. The absolute rate of elevated tests is similar despite the two provinces adhering to different interlock lockout points (.02% Quebec; .04% Alberta). Charts tracking the Monday-Friday timing of elevated BAC tests by hour are nearly identical for both provinces. The most elevated BAC tests occurred between 7 and 9 A.M. Monday to Friday, even though most vehicle start attempts occurred much later in the day. This higher rate of elevated morning BAC likely represents drinking from the prior evening with alcohol not yet cleared from circulation; those with elevated BAC in the early morning were more likely to have a repeat offense even after accounting for prior DUI and the higher overall rate of elevated BAC tests. This is viewed as evidence of a drinking problem that will lead to impaired driving after the controlling function of the interlock is removed. Policy changes are discussed that might take better advantage of interlock information to improve the public response to drunk driving.     

The alcohol interlock: an underutilized resource for predicting and controlling drunk drivers

This report summarizes evidence presented during the Third Annual Ignition Interlock Symposium at Vero Beach, Florida, 29 October 2002. The ignition interlock prevents a car from starting when blood alcohol concentration (BAC) is elevated. We review some of our prior work as well as introduce previously unpublished results to demonstrate the manner in which the data recorded by the alcohol ignition interlock device can serve as an advance predictor of future driving under the influence (DUI) of alcohol risks. Data used in this current report represent approximately 2,200 ignition interlock users from Alberta, Canada, and about 8,000 interlock users from Quebec, Canada; the Alberta data set contained 5.5 million breath tests and the Quebec data 18.8 million breath tests. All tests are time and date stamped and this information was used to characterize patterns of BAC and vehicle use, and the relationship between BAC elevations and DUI offenses that accumulated after the interlock was removed from the vehicles. Findings from Cox regression show that BAC elevations >.02-.04% are more potent predictors of repeat DUI (p<.0001) than even prior DUI (p<.006), usually found to be the strongest indicator of driver risk. Prior DUI obviously has no use for scaling the risk of first-time offenders. Drivers who are both multiple offenders and who have more than a few elevated interlock BAC tests are much more likely to repeat DUI. The timing and pattern of elevated BAC tests provided during the time drivers were required to use an alcohol ignition interlock device are remarkably similar on both a daily basis and an hourly basis when the interlock programs from the two provinces are compared directly. Both provinces had higher rates of elevated tests on Saturday and Sunday, and the fewest elevated tests on Tuesdays. The absolute rate of elevated tests is similar despite the two provinces adhering to different interlock lockout points (.02% Quebec;.04% Alberta). Charts tracking the Monday-Friday timing of elevated BAC tests by hour are nearly identical for both provinces. The most elevated BAC tests occurred between 7 and 9 A.M. Monday to Friday, even though most vehicle start attempts occurred much later in the day. This higher rate of elevated morning BAC likely represents drinking from the prior evening with alcohol not yet cleared from circulation; those with elevated BAC in the early morning were more likely to have a repeat offense even after accounting for prior DUI and the higher overall rate of elevated BAC tests. This is viewed as evidence of a drinking problem that will lead to impaired driving after the controlling function of the interlock is removed. Policy changes are discussed that might take better advantage of interlock information to improve the public response to drunk driving.     

Breath alcohol ignition interlock devices: controlling the recidivist

This study compares the recidivism rates of two groups of Illinois drivers who had their driver's licenses revoked for alcohol-impaired driving and who received restricted driving permits. Drivers in both groups had more than two driving under the influence (DUI) actions against their record within 5 years or were classed as level III alcohol dependents. Drivers in one group were required to install breath alcohol ignition interlock devices in their vehicles and drivers in the other group were not. The research found that drivers with the interlock were one-fifth as likely to be arrested for DUI during the 1 year the device was installed as the comparison group, which did not have the device. However, once the ignition interlock was removed, drivers in this group rapidly returned to DUI arrest rates similar to those in the comparison group. These findings echo previous literature. Additionally, the study showed that this voluntary program in Illinois reached only 16% of the drivers who met the requirements for installing the interlock device. Finally, this study found that individuals who were removed from the interlock program and returned to revoked status continued to drive. Within 3 years, approximately 50% of this latter group were involved in a crash or were arrested for DUI or with an invalid driver's license. Conclusions drawn from the study suggest that the breath alcohol ignition interlock device is effective in preventing continued driving while impaired. However, the large-scale effectiveness of the device is limited since most of the drivers eligible for the device do not have it installed. To have a significant impact, the interlock device must represent a better alternative to drivers whose licenses were suspended or revoked because of alcohol arrests compared to remaining on revoked status without having the device installed. Finally the research suggests that, given the rapid return to predevice recidivism, the devices should remain installed until drivers can demonstrate an extended period of being alcohol free.     

Breath alcohol ignition interlock devices: controlling the recidivist

This study compares the recidivism rates of two groups of Illinois drivers who had their driver's licenses revoked for alcohol-impaired driving and who received restricted driving permits. Drivers in both groups had more than two driving under the influence (DUI) actions against their record within 5 years or were classed as level III alcohol dependents. Drivers in one group were required to install breath alcohol ignition interlock devices in their vehicles and drivers in the other group were not. The research found that drivers with the interlock were one-fifth as likely to be arrested for DUI during the 1 year the device was installed as the comparison group, which did not have the device. However, once the ignition interlock was removed, drivers in this group rapidly returned to DUI arrest rates similar to those in the comparison group. These findings echo previous literature. Additionally, the study showed that this voluntary program in Illinois reached only 16% of the drivers who met the requirements for installing the interlock device. Finally, this study found that individuals who were removed from the interlock program and returned to revoked status continued to drive. Within 3 years, approximately 50% of this latter group were involved in a crash or were arrested for DUI or with an invalid driver's license. Conclusions drawn from the study suggest that the breath alcohol ignition interlock device is effective in preventing continued driving while impaired. However, the large-scale effectiveness of the device is limited since most of the drivers eligible for the device do not have it installed. To have a significant impact, the interlock device must represent a better alternative to drivers whose licenses were suspended or revoked because of alcohol arrests compared to remaining on revoked status without having the device installed. Finally the research suggests that, given the rapid return to predevice recidivism, the devices should remain installed until drivers can demonstrate an extended period of being alcohol free.     

Alcohol-impaired motorcyclists versus car drivers: A comparison of crash involvement and legal consequence from adjudication data

Introduction: Driving under the influence (DUI) increases the probability of motor-vehicle collisions, especially for motorcycles with less protections. This study aimed to identify commonalities and differences between criminally DUI offenses (i.e., with a blood alcohol concentration (BAC) of 80 mg/dL or higher) committed by motorcyclists and car drivers. Methods: A total of 10,457 motorcycle DUIs and 8,402 car DUIs were compared using a series of logistic regression models, using data extracted from the documents of adjudication decisions by the courts of Jiangsu, China. Results: The results revealed that offenders from the high-BAC group (i.e., 200 mg/dL or higher) accounted for more than 20% of the total DUI offenses, and were more likely to be involved in a crash and punished with a longer detention. Motorcyclists had a higher likelihood of crash involvement, and were also more likely to be responsible for single-vehicle crashes associated with higher odds of injury sustained, compared to alcohol-impaired car drivers. In the verdict, motorcycle offenders were more likely to receive a less severe penalty. Conclusions: Interventions are clearly required to focus on reducing in the high-BAC group of offenders. For alcohol-impaired motorcyclists, their risks of crash and injury against BAC climb more steeply than the risks for car drivers. The factors including frequent occurrences, uncertainty of detection, and short-term sentences may weaken the deterrence effect of the criminalization of motorcycle DUI. Practical Applications: The traffic-related adjudication data support traffic safety analysis. Strategies such as combating motorcycle violations (e.g., unlicensed operators or driving unsafe vehicles), undertaking education and awareness campaigns, are expected for DUI prevention.     

Can progress in reducing alcohol-impaired driving fatalities be resumed? Results of a workshop sponsored by the Transportation Research Board,Alcohol, Other Drugs,and Transportation Committee (ANB50)

Objective: Despite successes in the 1980s and early 1990s, progress in reducing impaired driving fatalities in the United States has stagnated in recent years. Since 1997, the percentage of drivers involved in fatal crashes with illegal blood alcohol concentration (BAC) levels has remained at approximately 20 to 22%. Many experts believe that public complacency, competing social and public health issues, and the lack of political fortitude have all contributed to this stagnation. The number of alcohol-related crashes, injuries, and fatalities is still unacceptable, and most are preventable. The public needs to be aware that the problem presented by drinking drivers has not been solved. Political leaders need guidance on which measures will affect the problem, and stakeholders need to be motivated once again to implement effective strategies.

Methods: The National Academy of Sciences (NAS) Transportation Research Board (TRB), Alcohol, Other Drugs, and Transportation Committee (ANB50) sponsored a workshop held at the NAS facility in Woods Hole, Massachusetts, on August 24–25, 2015, to discuss the lack of progress in reducing impaired driving and to make recommendations for future progress. A total of 26 experts in research and policy related to alcohol-impaired driving participated in the workshop. The workshop began by examining the static situation in the rate of alcohol-impaired driving fatal crashes to determine what factors may be inhibiting further progress. The workshop then discussed 8 effective strategies that have not been fully implemented in the United States. Workshop participants (16 of the 26) rated their top 3 strategies.

Results: 3 strategies received the most support: 1. Impose administrative sanctions for drivers with BACs = 0.05 to 0.08 g/dL.

2. Require alcohol ignition interlocks for all alcohol-impaired driving offenders.

3. Increase the frequency of sobriety checkpoints, including enacting legislation to allow them in the 11 states that currently prohibit them.

5 other important strategies included the following: (1) increase alcohol taxes to raise the price and reduce alcohol consumption; (2) reengage the public and raise the priority of impaired driving; (3) lower the illegal per se BAC limit to 0.05 for a criminal offense; (4) develop and implement in-vehicle alcohol detection systems; and (5) expand the use of screening and brief interventions in medical facilities.

Conclusions: Each of these strategies is proven to be effective, yet all are substantially underutilized. Each is used in some jurisdictions in the United States or Canada, but none is used extensively. Any one of the 3 strategies implemented on a widespread basis would decrease impaired driving crashes, injuries, and fatalities. Based on the research, all 3 together would have a substantial impact on the problem.     

Perceptions of alcohol-impaired driving and the blood alcohol concentration standard in the United States

IntroductionAlthough the number of alcohol-impaired driving (AID) fatalities has declined over the past several years, AID continues to be a serious public health problem. The purpose of this effort was to gain a better understanding of the U.S. driving population's perceptions and thoughts about the impacts of lowering the blood alcohol concentration (BAC) driving standard below.08% on AID, health, and other outcomes.MethodsA questionnaire was administered to a nationally representative sample of licensed drivers in the U.S. (n = 1011) who were of age 21 or older on driving habits, alcohol consumption habits, drinking and driving habits, attitudes about drinking and driving, experiences with and opinions of drinking and driving laws, opinions about strategies to reduce drinking and driving, general concerns about traffic safety issues, and demographics.ResultsOne-third of participants supported lowering the legal BAC standard, and participants rated a BAC standard of .05% to be moderately acceptable on average. 63.9% indicated that lowering 30 the BAC to .05% would have no effect on their decisions to drink and drive. Nearly 60% of respondents lacked accurate knowledge of their state's BAC standard.ConclusionsPublic support for lowering the BAC standard was moderate and was partially tied to beliefs about the impacts of a change in the BAC standard. The results suggest that an opportunity for better educating the driving population about existing AID policy and the implications for lowering the BAC level on traffic injury prevention.Practical applicationsThe study results are useful for state traffic safety professionals and policy makers to have a better understanding of the public's perceptions of and thoughts about BAC standards. There is a clear need for more research into the effects of lowering the BAC standard on crashes, arrests, AID behavior, and alcohol-related behaviors.     

Variations in jail sentences and the probability of re-arrest for driving while intoxicated

OBJECTIVE: The probability of re-arrest for driving while intoxicated (DWI) is compared for four different groups of individuals classified by whether the individual was convicted and, if so, the type of sentence received. METHOD: Subsequent re-arrests for DWI were examined for all individuals whose index arrest for DWI had occurred between 1994 and 2001 in a county in New Mexico. The groups included (1) those convicted as a result of the index arrest and sentenced to a 28-day jail/treatment program (N (#)=(#) 2,703); (2) all those not convicted as a result of the index arrest (N = 709); (3) those who were convicted but not sentenced to jail (N = 1,047); and (4) those convicted and sentenced to jail (N = 1,290). RESULTS: Adjusting for covariates of BAC, number of prior arrests, ethnicity, age, and sex, the probability of not being re-arrested was greatest among those sentenced to the jail/treatment program (Group 1), next highest in the two groups convicted but not sentenced to jail/treatment (Groups 3 and 4), and lowest in the group that was not convicted (Group 2). Length of jail sentence among people convicted but not sentenced to the jail/treatment program was unrelated to the probability of re-arrest. CONCLUSION: Conviction for DWI, regardless of the sentence, appears to reduce the probability of re-arrest, and being sentenced to a multi-modal treatment/incarceration program further reduces the probability of re-arrest. However, the other types of sentences do not appear to differ in their impact on probability of re-arrest.     

Effects of enhanced sanctions for high-BAC DWI offenders on case dispositions and rates of recidivism

Implemented January 1, 1998, Minnesota's high-BAC law mandates more severe administrative pre-conviction penalties and more severe post-conviction penalties for offenses with BACs > or = 0.20%. Most notably, the law provides for the administrative impoundment of the license plate of first-time DWI offenders with BACs > or = 0.20. During the three years after the law took effect, a large majority of first-time and repeat offenders with BACs > or = 0.20% did, in fact, receive high-BAC administrative dispositions and/or high-BAC court convictions, which carried more severe penalties. For example, in 1998 85.6% of first offenders with BACs > or = 0.20% received a high-BAC administrative disposition and/or a high-BAC court conviction; 65.0% received both high-BAC administrative and high-BAC court dispositions. The proportion of high-BAC first-time offenders who received the statutory high-BAC dispositions declined from 1998 to 1999 and 2000. Based on survival analysis, the one-year recidivism rate among first offenders arrested in 1998 with BACs > or = 0.20% was significantly lower than for offenders with BACs 0.17-0.19% (who also had relatively high BACs but were not subject to enhanced sanctions), after controlling for age and gender. There were similar, but not significant, results for first offenders arrested in 1999.