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1.
The recent BSE crisis in Europe is an example of a new kind of risk in late-modern society. Conventional risk politics are no longer considered suitable for such new risks, leading to a new kind of risk politics. In answering the question whether a new kind of risk politics is developing and what this looks like, this contribution studies how several countries of Western Europe (the UK, the Netherlands, France and Germany) as well as the EU dealt with the BSE crisis. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

2.
Invoking expert knowledge is a common strategy in attempts to settle environmental disputes. However, the validity of expertise is contingent upon the context in which an actor is recognised as an expert. In complex environmental conflicts the distinction between lay and expert knowledge is not always fixed a priori. However, as conflicts unfold, intervening parties tend to present their cases in ways that reinforce this distinction. This is apparent in the attribution of environmental responsibilities. This paper presents an empirical case of an environmental conflict related to land contamination due to coal ash disposal in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The analysis revealed two polar positions in the conflict: the first one, mainly held by scientists and industry representatives, invoked expert knowledge and presented a distributed approach to the attribution of responsibilities; the second one, mainly held by local residents and municipal officials, presented an experiential understanding of pollution, as lay knowledge, and attributed direct responsibilities to the local energy industry. The paper concludes that the persistence of the distinction between expert and lay knowledge is a manifestation of the social structures that underlie the conflict.  相似文献   

3.
Risks related to food production and consumption are not a recent phenomenon. Through agricultural practices, the transport of agricultural and food products, the processing of food, its storage, and finally the consumption of food, risks have been externalized, mediated, contested and ingested. But agrofood systems have also been paralleled by routinized practices and institutions that attempt to reduce risks and sustain trust among the many actors involved in these food regimes. However, both the (definition of) food risks and the institutions and discourses used to dispel anxiety and build trust are far from stable throughout time. In the contemporary modern world-order, food risks and the practices and institutions dealing with these risks reflect the significant transformations in the agrofood system, the changing nature of the risks involved in food production and consumption, and the modifications in scientific risk assessment and risk management. This article provides an overview of the current debates, discussions and practices on actual and potential institutional transformations that parallel the emergence, assessment and management of food risks in reflexive modernity. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

4.
Various parties relate to the precautionary principle with various understandings, claims and hopes. One of the ways to comprehend this multiplicity of meanings is to examine the composition of this problematic norm in the societal and institutional settings where it occurs. In this paper, I address its elaboration on the European Union institutional terrain with the European Commission's Communication on the Precautionary Principle. This effectuation of the precautionary principle embraces a number of issues of transnational or multilevel governance, expertise, legitimacy and sovereignty. The crucial matter that this paper engages in initially is that of risk analysis, the procedural framework that the precautionary principle confronts with its innovative articulations of science and policy-making, but to which I argue that it succumbs in part. Also explored, in turn, are further framings of the precautionary principle: science versus policy, a given policy domain—environment—in relation to others, as well as action versus inaction (whereas I argue that the precautionary principle ought to be about acting and doubting). These are further evaluated in the conclusions, together with the predicament of establishing a common understanding or defining the precautionary principle. I show that, complementary to drivers of divergence, one finds support for a common approach, though there is no radial symmetry in these tangled stakes, and any ‘diffusion’ of the precautionary principle has to be actively carried out for a shared understanding to be more widely shared. In this process, Europe, the European Commission, its Communication, and the precautionary principle are being shaped into diverse compositions of unity in diversity. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

5.
Since the 1990s, successive Governments in Peru have sought to expand the exploration and production of the country's oil and gas resources. This economic agenda poses significant opportunities and risks which are usually considered at the macro‐level and framed by debates regarding the so‐called “natural resource curse”. While risks such as “Dutch disease” are important to consider, a worrying set of short‐term issues surrounds the impacts of rapid changes brought on by oil and gas industrial development at the micro‐level, namely, those that affect local communities and the environment. In the case of Peru, this is especially relevant to the vast areas of ecologically sensitive and previously under‐developed Amazonia that are now under concession to oil and gas companies. Low levels of industry transparency combined with a lack of uniform free, prior and informed consent are exacerbating community‐level grievances, and the conflicts to which they can lead. As the oil and gas industry expands in the Peruvian Amazon, the risk of conflict is likely to prove far harder to minimize or ameliorate than are the challenges of managing industry revenues and the risk of currency appreciation most often associated with the natural resource curse.  相似文献   

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