FRONTIER AREAS, RESOURCES, AND DEVELOPING NATIONS: THE CASE OF GUATEMALA

The conscientious and planned integration of frontier areas into the national economy can at least partially alleviate both environmental and economic problems that are common to many developing countries. Full development of the agricultural potential of frontier areas can lessen the environmental deterioration often found in traditionally settled regions. Exploitation of mineral resources, in particular energy resources, can lessen economic burdens associated with increased costs of imported energy. The authors examine how recent international developments have spurred the government of Guatemala to undertake measures designed to develop a previously underutilized region. The short term negative consequences of increased costs for imported grains and petroleum may well have a positive result in the long term insofar as they lead to more balanced and rational use of land and resources.     

Permanent post-disaster housing in honduras: aspects of vulnerability to future disasters

To some degree it is unfair to evaluate a post-disaster housing program as to its effectiveness in decreasing vulnerability and preventing future disasters. As Burton states, "With rare exceptions, administrators and techniques have been trained to cope with disaster rather than to prevent it" [reference (2), p.197]. These were certainly not goals articulated by the agency responsible for constructing housing after Fifi. However, the authors feel that failure to evaluate specific projects by persons knowledgeable of the projects functioning, will only forestall the shift which Cuny calls for, "… from disaster response to disaster mitigation and prevention" [reference (4), p.123). In doing this we hope to add some specific case study data to the growing literature on disaster mitigation and prevention. Disaster vulnerability in Honduras is overwhelmingly related to flooding. More crucial than the materials and construction of housing is the issue of siting. If appropriately sited, houses made of bajarique, wood, or concrete block are able to withstand the heavy rains associated with a hurricane. Regarding the siting of the projects, the Honduras Project clearly has one positive and one negative accomplishment in the cases of Santa Rica and Flores, respectively. San Jose is less clear but is certainly a much safer site than those formerly occupied by the residents, in that there is no danger of flooding. The present site was not flooded during Fifi nor did it experience mudslides. However, the future is not so clear regarding the latter. Within the village proper a large amount of vegetation has been added which will tend to stabilise the soil on the steeper slopes. The streets, however, are seriously eroded and probably can not be maintained for vehicle usage, which does not pose a serious problem to the residents as none possess automobiles or trucks. One large gully bisects the village and receives run-off from the adjacent hills. It has been expanding, which would suggest that the slopes above the village could prove problematic in case of a Fifi-sized storm. Flores is located on a very poor site in reference to prevention and mitigation. It is located in a portion of the Sula Valley which is prone to flooding and, as mentioned before, was inundated by over 2m of water during hurricane Fifi. No prevention techniques were possible by NAEA/HEA and the houses were built on earthen mounds barely adequate to keep water out during the rainy season. The nearby dike which could possibly provide protection is non-functional due to poor maintainance. Given a storm of Fifi's magnitude, or possibly smaller, this site will again be flooded. Santa Rica is clearly well sited concerning flooding: it did not experience flooding during Fifi and is not flood prone. However, houses did experience some wall damage due to earthquakes following and associated with the Guatemalan quake of 1976. Due to the size and nature of the latter much "re-adjustment" occurred in the neighbouring fault system; however, damage to the houses was all superficial. We feel the residents were vocal about their concern due to the severity of the Guatemalan disaster and their lack of experience with concrete block houses. That the two sites (particularly Flores and partially San Jose) are vulnerable to future disasters cannot be considered solely the fault of an outside agency without local knowledge and understanding. In the engineering report issued during the construction it was explicitly stated that in Flores, "Future flooding remains a danger," [reference (6), p.49]. The future residents of Flores had gained access to the land from the National Agrarian Institute and were anxious to receive assistance in building homes. In fact, CARE, which had previously given these people tin roofing for houses, was threatening to take it back since the people had not yet started building. NAEA/HEA were responding to people in a rather desperate situation. But, on the other hand, they were responding to people who had been promised (not given) land by an agency of the Honduran national government which would be cognizant of the potential flooding at this site. Likewise, in San Jose, where mudslides and erosion remain a threat, the land was provided by a local government agency, the municipality. Although our goal in this discussion has not been to establish blame, we feel it imperative to mention the sequence of events that resulted in the questionable siting of Flores and San Jose. It is very easy and often accurate to place blame on outsiders who lack sophistication and knowledge about such matters. In this case local input did not result in post-disaster planning that is actually precautionary. This, we feel, illustrates the extreme complexity of cross-cultural aid, especially in the post-disaster period. It also points to the need for precautionary planning with reference to permanent post-disaster reconstruction.     

Land reclamation and strip-mined coal production in appalachia

This study quantifies the short-run impacts of reclamation on strip mining costs, coal prices, production, and employment in Appalachia. A process analysis model is developed and used to estimate short-run strip-mined coal supply functions under conditions of alternative reclamation requirements. Then, an econometric model is developed and used to estimate coal demand relations. Our results show that full reclamation has rather minor impacts. In 1972, full reclamation would have increased strip-mined coal production costs an average of $0.35 per ton, reduced strip-mined coal production by 10 million tons, and cost approximately 1600 jobs in Appalachia.     

An Application of a Modified Ecological Footprint Method and Structural Path Analysis in a Comparative Institutional Study

This paper presents an application of a modified ecological footprint method, using a regional, disturbance-based approach. In contrast to conventional institutional ecological footprint calculations, energy and land use resulting from all upstream production processes are explored by employing an input-output framework. Ecological footprints are calculated for two research institutions: the School of Physics (SoP) at the University of Sydney, and the Sustainable Ecosystems (CSE) Department of the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation. These are broken down further in terms of land disturbance and greenhouse gas emissions, and as a function of production layer. To enable the use of the results in policy formulation, the ecological footprints are decomposed into detailed contributing paths, which are ranked according to their importance, using structural path analysis. The paper demonstrates that a considerable proportion of impacts occur upstream in industrial production. Thus a significant result of the study is the weight of obscure paths in the total footprints and, therefore, the importance of conducting an holistic assessment in order to ensure all upstream contributions are captured in the final impact of the institution.     

Microbial cycling of iron and sulfur in acidic coal mining lake sediments

Lakes caused by coal mining processes are characterized by low pH, low nutrient status, and high concentrations of Fe(II) and sulfate due to the oxidation of pyrite in the surrounding mine tailings. Fe(III) produced during Fe(II) oxidation precipitates to the anoxic acidic sediment, where the microbial reduction of Fe(III) is the dominant electron-accepting process for the oxidation of organic matter, apparently mediated by acidophilic Acidiphilium species. Those bacteria can reduce a great variety of Fe(III)-(hydr)oxides and reduce Fe(III) and oxygen simultaneously which might be due to the small differences in the redox potentials under low pH conditions. Due to the absence of sulfide, Fe(II) formed in the upper 6 cm of the sediment diffuses to oxic zones in the water layer where itcan be reoxidized by Acidithiobacillus species. Thus, acidic conditions are stabilized by the cycling of iron which inhibits fermentative and sulfate-reducing activities. With increasing sediment depth, the amount of reactive iron decrease, the pH increases above 5, and fermentative and as yet unknown Fe(III)-reducing bacteria are also involved in the reduction of Fe(III). Sulfate is reduced apparently by the activity of spore-forming sulfate reducers including new species of Desulfosporosinus that have their pH optimum similar to in situconditions and are not capable of growth at pH 7. However, generation of alkalinity via sulfate reduction is reduced by the anaerobic reoxidation of sulfide back to sulfate. Thus, the microbial cycling of iron at the oxic-anoxic interface and the anaerobic cycling of sulfur maintains environmental conditions appropriate for acidophilic Fe(III)-reducing and acid-tolerant sulfate-reducing microbial communities.