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781.
The Science of Nature -  相似文献   
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Soil acidity, nutrient availability and livestock density have a major influence on the belowground ecological community. As fast decomposition rates are due mostly to bacterial-based pathways and slower decomposition rates mostly to fungal-based pathways, it is helpful to condense empirical information in the so-called Nematode Channel Ratio (NCR). The NCR is shown to be a good indicator of efficiency in soil decomposition processes. We argue that in intensive agroecosystems, other fungivore members of the decomposer food web may outcompete the hyphal-feeding nematodes. We demonstrate how the NCR can be used to set ecological standards for sustainable use of the soil in agroecosystems. To summarize the interactions between the microbial resources and the decomposer nematofauna according to increasing land management, we propose the use of the fifth percentile as proxy for a sustainable environmental quality of grasslands on sandy soils, and the NCR mean as the upper threshold for low-stocked farms.  相似文献   
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Subzonal insemination has been proposed to achieve fertilization in cases where standard in vitro fertilization has failed. We present the results of chromosome analysis of oocytes after subzonal insemination. Our data suggest that the main cause (76 per cent) of the absence of cleavage after subzonal insemination is the total absence of sperm nucleus evolution of the injected spermatozoa. Our results also suggest that spermatozoa chromatin development is normal after subzonal insemination. Aneuploidy does not seem to be increased in zygotes after subzonal insemination. However, polyploidy was often more important than predicted by the observation of pronuclei (PN). Pronucleus development might be asynchronous and can appear earlier or later than after standard IVF. The cytogenetic risk after subzonal insemination might therefore be triploidy (if a triploid egg is transferred, because only 2 PN were seen) rather than aneuploidy or structural abnormalities.  相似文献   
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The EU is presently in a transition phase from environmental policy-making by law towards other governance approaches based upon networking, voluntary commitments, benchmarking and other forms of “soft law”. Those new governance approaches often claim to lead to “better regulation”, while adopting a more consensus-oriented and participatory style, taking economic aspects more seriously into account, allowing for more flexibility and autonomy for the private sector and Member States alike, mobilising a broader knowledge base or adopting more integrated and holistic approaches than previous sectoralised and compartmentalised policies.While the limitations of traditional regulatory approaches are widely accepted and cited, it is far from evident, that “new modes of governance” have greater capacity to solve problems than the old ones. There is an argument, that “better regulation” might by synonymous to a withdrawal and weakening of the regulatory state and hence effectively of the aspirations and objectives of environmental policies.An interesting case for an approach, combining the strengths of the old and the new approaches is the ongoing reform of chemicals policies. While some observers claim, that the proposed directive, “REACH” might belong to the outdated category of overcomplex and bureaucratic regulation, a closer look shows that there are many new forms of governance in REACH. This mixture or old and new may open a more realistic and promising perspective on the reform of European policy-making.In our paper we assess the effects and the interplay of the combination of different modes of governance using the example of REACH. We are particularly concerned with the question in how far the representation of interests may change when new modes of governance are introduced.  相似文献   
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This study pursues external validation of contingent valuation by comparing survey results with the voting outcome of a Corvallis, Oregon, referendum to fund a riverfront improvement project through increased property taxes. Survey respondents hypothetically make a voting decision—with no financial consequences—on the upcoming referendum. The survey sample consists of respondents verified to have voted in the election. We use available precinct-level election data to compare the proportion of “yes” survey and referendum votes as well as estimate voting models and mean willingness to pay (WTP) based on the two sets of data. We find that survey responses match the actual voting outcome and WTP estimates based on the two are not statistically different. Contrary to similar studies, our statistical results do not depend on re-coding the majority of “undecided” survey responses to “no.” Furthermore, such a re-coding of responses may be inappropriate for our data set.  相似文献   
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