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81.
《Environmental Communication: A Journal of Nature and Culture》2013,7(2):171-193
Public participation is widely lauded as a way to make environmental decisions more democratic, to improve their quality, and to enhance their legitimacy. Scholars and citizens around the world repeatedly complain, however, that public participation frequently serves primarily as a pro forma exercise to defend predetermined decisions rather than as a meaningful opportunity for the affected public to influence decision-making. These critiques persist despite considerable research suggesting ways to improve the quality of public participation. This essay explores this problem by analyzing citizen involvement in the environmental impact assessment (EIA) processes for the Allain Duhangan hydropower project in northern India. It describes how meaningful public involvement was compromised—despite repeated objections by citizens and independent consultants—by four communication practices: (1) failing to provide adequate access to information; (2) predetermining EIA outcomes by controlling the definition of issues (“definitional hegemony”); (3) privileging scientific/technical discourse; (4) utilizing “consultative” forms of communication that promote one-way flows of information rather than more interactive forms that encourage the joint construction of information and values. This study further argues that these practices persist because they serve as acts of power that privilege dominant actors and interests in the larger socio-political context. This analysis thus suggests that altering communication practices that compromise the quality of public participation may require attending to the interaction between communication practices, relations of power, and the larger socio-political context in which public participation takes place. 相似文献
82.
Global warming can be curbed by pricing carbon emissions and thus substituting fossil fuel with renewable energy consumption. Breakthrough technologies (e.g., fusion energy) can reduce the cost of such policies. However, the chance of such a technology coming to market depends on investment. We model breakthroughs as an irreversible tipping point in a multi-country world, with different degrees of international cooperation. We show that international spill-over effects of R&D in carbon-free technologies lead to double free-riding, strategic over-pollution and underinvestment in green R&D, thus making climate change mitigation more difficult. We also show how the demand structure determines whether carbon pricing and R&D policies are substitutes or complements. 相似文献
83.
Salih Katırcıoğlu Sami Fethi Demet Beton Kalmaz Dilber Çağlar 《International Journal of Green Energy》2016,13(10):1059-1074
This study investigates the empirical relationship between energy consumption, international trade, and real income in Canada which has an important role in global energy and trade. It employs bound tests to level relationships and conditional error correction models through ARDL specification to a new version of the Solow Growth model. Using annual data of the 1960–2010 period, results reveal a long-term relationship between energy consumption, international trade, and real income in Canada. It is also found that energy exporting activity is the determinant (driver) of energy consumption through the channel of real income and energy consumption is the determinant (driver) of exports through the channel of real income in the long term of the Canadian economy. Exports and energy use are the determinants (drivers) of real income in the long term of the Canadian economy; therefore, as conditional Granger causality tests suggest there is feedback relationship between energy consumption, international trade, and real income in the long term of the Canadian economy. The present study suggests that any energy conservation policies are likely to have negative influence on output and international trade in Canada. 相似文献
84.
We investigate the effect of domestic politics on international environmental policy by incorporating into a classic stage game of coalition formation the phenomenon of lobbying by special-interest groups. In doing so, we contribute to the theory of international environmental agreements, which has overwhelmingly assumed that governments make decisions based on a single set of public-interest motivations. Our results suggest that lobbying on emissions may affect the size of the stable coalition in counterintuitive ways. In particular, a powerful business lobby may increase the government's incentives to sign an agreement, by providing it with strong bargaining power with respect to that lobby at the emission stage. This would result in lower total emissions when the number of countries involved is not too large. We also show that things change radically when lobbying bears directly on the membership decisions, suggesting that both the object and timing of lobbying matter for the way in which membership decisions, emissions and welfare are affected. 相似文献
85.
Robert Gifford Leila Scannell Christine Kormos Lidia Smolova Anders Biel Stefan Boncu Victor Corral Hartmut Güntherf Kazunori Hanyu Donald Hine Florian G. Kaiser Kalevi Korpela Luisa Marie Lima Angela G. Mertig Ricardo Garcia Mira Gabriel Moser Paola Passafaro José Q. Pinheiro Sunil Saini Toshihiko Sako Elena Sautkina Yannick Savina Peter Schmuck Wesley Schultz Karin Sobeck Eva-Lotta Sundblad David Uzzell 《Journal of environmental psychology》2009
The personal assessments of the current and expected future state of the environment by 3232 community respondents in 18 nations were investigated at the local, national, and global spatial levels. These assessments were compared to a ranking of each country's environmental quality by an expert panel. Temporal pessimism (“things will get worse”) was found in the assessments at all three spatial levels. Spatial optimism bias (“things are better here than there”) was found in the assessments of current environmental conditions in 15 of 18 countries, but not in the assessments of the future. All countries except one exhibited temporal pessimism, but significant differences between them were common. Evaluations of current environmental conditions also differed by country. Citizens' assessments of current conditions, and the degree of comparative optimism, were strongly correlated with the expert panel's assessments of national environmental quality. Aside from the value of understanding global trends in environmental assessments, the results have important implications for environmental policy and risk management strategies. 相似文献
86.
During the past 25 years, the management of marine ecosystems has evolved significantly. Due to the increased use of the sea
and the increased awareness of adverse impacts of certain human activities in and around the sea, which has been a common
good for a long time—‘Mare Liberum’—an international and integrated approach has become increasingly important to regulate
the use of our common seas.
From the late 1960s onwards, intergovernmental meetings have taken place in order to tackle the problems of international
pollution of seas and oceans. One reason for this attention was the Torrey Canyon accident in 1967, which triggered the start
of the Bonn Agreement in 1969 for coordinating the combat mission against oil and chemical spills in the North Sea.
After the 1972 United Nations Conference on the Human Environment in Stockholm, with the involvement of the European Union,
the International Council for Exploration of the Sea (ICES) and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), other regional and
global Conventions, as well as the North Sea Ministerial Conferences were established.
These continuous international efforts have resulted in a considerable reduction of the input of certain contaminants and
of nutrients (in particular phosphate) into the marine environment. However, not all problems have yet been solve. The North
Sea Ministers agreed at the Conference in Esbjerg (1995) to aim at a reduction of the input of all hazardous substances within
one generation, in order to reach the goal of negligible risks of pollution. Furthermore, there is a general aim to minimize
adverse effects of disturbing activities. The challenge, now and in the future, is to find a balance between economic development
and environmental protection of our international marine waters aiming at a sustainable development of the marine resources
by employing scientifically based measures and, in situations where there are reasonable grounds for concern but no conclusive
links between cause and problem, applying the precautionary principle with respect to pollution and disturbing activities. 相似文献
87.
夏治强 《城市环境与城市生态》1993,6(4):37-42
本文简介了臭氧层的破坏及耗损对生物和人类所造成的危害.描述了氯氟烃(CFC),氮氧化物(NO_x)与臭氧的反应,井详细论述了CFC,NO_x及火山爆发对臭氧层的破坏作用.对有关保护臭氧层的国际公约进行了扼要介绍.提出了防止臭氧耗损应来取的措施;执行保护臭氧层的国际公约;寻找CFC替代品;加强对臭氧层的科学研究 相似文献
88.
运用共同但有区别的责任原则、风险预防原则、污染者负担原则等国际环境法上的基本原则,针对美国拒绝批准《京都议定书》所持的三个抗辨理由,一一进行了法理分析与批判。 相似文献
89.
阐述了国际环境法在近代和现代2个阶段的发展历程,相关内容、地位及作用,提出国际环境法的2个发展趋势;提高已缔条约中承诺的兑现程度;关注环境保护条约与贸易法则的冲突,还述及了中国国际环境法的贡献。 相似文献
90.
Bommer J 《Disasters》1985,9(4):270-278
The occurrence of natural disasters, such as floods and earthquakes, are, in themselves, beyond oar control. However, careful preparation before such events, and the correct management of the problem once it occurs, can both lead to major redaction of the suffering involved.
Disaster preparation and emergency planning are both inextricably linked to politics and economics, both on a national and an international scale. Disasters themselves raise a number of issues of a political or economic nature, and die response to a natural disaster both in the short and the long term is largely determined by the political relations within a country, and between that country and the international community.
This paper examines these issues by taking the examples of the earthquake of Managua, Nicaragua in 1972 and the flooding that occurred in Nicaragua in 1982. These two natural disasters occurred under different administrations in Nicaragua, and tills allows some interesting comparisons. 相似文献
Disaster preparation and emergency planning are both inextricably linked to politics and economics, both on a national and an international scale. Disasters themselves raise a number of issues of a political or economic nature, and die response to a natural disaster both in the short and the long term is largely determined by the political relations within a country, and between that country and the international community.
This paper examines these issues by taking the examples of the earthquake of Managua, Nicaragua in 1972 and the flooding that occurred in Nicaragua in 1982. These two natural disasters occurred under different administrations in Nicaragua, and tills allows some interesting comparisons. 相似文献