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151.
During the 1990s a consensus emerged within the international humanitarian system that there was a need to enhance the 'coherence' between humanitarian and political responses to complex political emergencies. Closer integration between aid and political responses was seen to be necessary in order to address the root causes of conflict-induced crises, and to ensure that aid did not exacerbate political tensions. This paper explores the theory and practice of coherence over the past decade. It argues that, by sleight of hand, the coherence agenda has been reinterpreted such that humanitarian action has become the primary form of political action, rather than merely a substitute for it. The coherence agenda has been driven by geopolitical events, domestic policy considerations in donor countries and the more parochial concerns of aid policy, and is reflected in a number of substantive changes in the humanitarian architecture. Many of the tenets of this 'new humanitarianism' have been embraced by the majority of relief agencies, and thus legitimised it. The paper concludes that political humanitarianism, as opposed to active engagement by political and military actors, is flawed ethically and technically. It will provide neither an effective palliative for the ill effects of war, nor address its causes. 相似文献
152.
Under what conditions do critical events trigger large-scale public discussion and mobilisation, and can these lead to policy change? In a comparative study of nuclear energy policy after the Japanese Fukushima disaster in March 2011, a theory-development approach is adopted, mobilising data collected from national news agencies’ newswires, public surveys, legislation and parliamentary databases, and newspaper editorials in 12 established democracies between March 2011 and March 2013. The analysis suggests two main hypotheses that can guide future research: critical events are more likely to trigger policy change when intense (contentious) mobilisation from policy challengers aligns with the views of the general public, and is backed by major political allies; and critical events are more likely to trigger intense (contentious) mobilisation when policy challengers articulate their opposition around pre-existing policy debates on the issue and resort to pre-existing organisational and mobilisation resources. 相似文献
153.
Peter Eckersley 《环境政策》2018,27(1):139-160
A new framework for analysing subnational policymaking is applied to climate governance in the ‘twin towns’ of Newcastle upon Tyne and Gelsenkirchen. Low levels of resource interdependence between central and local government in England mean that Newcastle Council has to rely heavily on other horizontal actors to achieve its climate objectives. In contrast, Gelsenkirchen Council receives substantial support from higher tiers of government, which gives it greater control over policymaking within the locality. Greater independence between tiers of government can make it more difficult for subnational bodies to adopt the kind of ambitious policies that may be necessary to combat wicked and/or significant policy challenges such as climate change. Instead, interdependent ‘joint-decision’ systems, which facilitate mutual support across tiers of government, may be better equipped to ensure that subnational public bodies have the capacity to act appropriately. 相似文献
154.
Elise Remling 《环境政策》2018,27(3):477-497
The ways in which climate adaptation is understood in the European Union is examined via three key policy documents: the Strategy on adaptation and the Green and White Papers that preceded it. Drawing on Poststructuralist Discourse Theory, light is shed on the implicit values and assumptions that underpin this recent policy initiative. The findings demonstrate a tension between the declared ambition to act on adaptation and implicit suggestions that nothing really has to change, and the challenge can be addressed by market and technological innovations, and by mainstreaming adaptation into existing sectoral policies. The policy discourse effectively serves to depoliticize choices societies make in response to climate change, presenting adaptation as a non-political issue. Insight into European adaptation discourse enables deeper understanding of recent policy developments and opens up possible entry points for critique. 相似文献
155.
以部分省(市)颁布的29份环境监测技术服务社会化政策为研究样本,将市场准入、监测领域、运行管理和监督制裁作为政策文本的分析框架进行计量分析。部分省(市)相关规定具有一定的创新性,使以往混乱的社会环境监测技术服务市场进一步规范化;但多数省(市)的环境监测技术服务社会化政策存在市场准入条件苛刻、监测领域有待放开、运行管理模式僵化、监督制裁手段单一等难题。最后提出放宽市场准入条件、有序开放监测领域、构建多元管理模式、完善监督制裁体系等4项建议对上述难题予以回应。 相似文献
156.
Goemeone E. J Mogomotsi Patricia K Mogomotsi Reniko Gondo Tshenolo J Madigele 《中国人口.资源与环境(英文版)》2018,16(2):171-180
Cultural heritage does not have direct economic benefits. However, if properly managed it can stimulate social cohesions, improving the environment and have beneficial economic spin offs for the local communities. This paper discusses the role of communities in the formulation of the policies concerning their local environment. It argues that community engagement by policy makers is important in giving legitimacy and ownership of the policies. Furthermore, this paper discusses the potential of cultural heritage in diversifying the economy in Botswana. This paper recommends for the re-assessment of the relationship between the state and local communities which is critical in resuscitating the seemingly ailing community business organizations. In conclusion, it argues for the sustainable management of cultural heritage as a social and economic resource in the next 50 years of Botswana’s independence. 相似文献
157.
Éric Montpetit Alexandre Harvey 《Environmental Communication: A Journal of Nature and Culture》2018,12(7):895-910
This article examines the conditions under which environmental beat journalists can gain credibility as expert informants. It shows that media storms foster a particular dynamic that can add to this credibility. Comparing a media storm over shale gas development in Quebec with regular coverage of the same issue in British Columbia, this article shows that the coverage space given to environmental beat journalists during a media storm can render their alliance with protest groups mutually beneficial. Beat journalists can benefit from the willingness of these groups to participate in their stories, while the groups benefit from increased visibility. Beat journalists also benefit by being perceived as expert informants in policy networks, a role that they use to encourage policy-makers to take the concerns of protest groups seriously. This dynamic also increases the negativity of the news coverage. The article makes a contribution to knowledge on the role of environmental journalists in policy-making processes. 相似文献
158.
Eoin O’Neill Catherine Devitt Mick Lennon Phoebe Duvall Laura Astori Ruaidhri Ford 《Environmental Communication: A Journal of Nature and Culture》2018,12(4):451-461
Policy reform can be complex and fraught with contending arguments. Although much research has been conducted into the politics of coalition formation, less attention has been devoted to legitimating logics in policy reform. Drawing on the work of Boltanski and Thévenot, this exploratory study addresses this deficit by examining the influence of justifications deployed in policy debates. The paper analyses the role of shifting reasoning in contentious debates concerning attempts to reform water policy, including the introduction of domestic water charges in Ireland. Employing data from parliamentary deliberations, the paper traces the changing forms of justification used by those favouring and opposing the reforms. This examination suggests the importance of aligning an argument’s content with the shifting context into which it is introduced. The paper highlights the benefits of an investigative approach concerning policy justification for understanding policy reform dynamics at the intersection of politics and environmental communication. 相似文献
159.
Jing Zhu 《中国人口.资源与环境(英文版)》2017,15(2):142-146
The concept of sustainable development has experienced great development and change at different levels of theoretical connotation and practical implementation since 1960s and 1970s when it was first proposed. People’s understanding of the relationship between economy, society, and environment has been continuously deepened over the years. When it came to the end of 2015, it is necessary to examine the results of the United Nations Millennium Development Goals on sustainable development, and at the same time, the post-2015 framework and guidance on sustainable development at the global level were to be made, including the ideas, action plans, key areas that would guide the global sustainable development. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development has developed a 5P theoretical framework of being people-centered, global environmental security, sustained economic prosperity, social justice and harmony and partnership promotion, including a political declaration, 17 overarching goals and 169 specific targets, specific ways of implementation, as well as the follow-up. It is the road map to achieve global sustainable development and meet the requirements of the millennium development goals. This paper summarizes the understanding of the concept of sustainable development from its origin, its significant development, to the proposition and development of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, and its strategic impact on China. 相似文献
160.
Susan Opt Russanne Low 《Environmental Communication: A Journal of Nature and Culture》2017,11(2):218-230
Opponents of a proposed sea-level-rise policy in North Carolina, USA, reasoned rhetorically to promote a narrative claiming that the policy supporters’ efforts had failed to meet the criteria of “good” science and the American dream expectancy of “progress.” The critics worked to hinder policy adoption by naming as “villains” scientists who provided research to support the proposed policy. In addition, the opponents named their own efforts to prevent policy based on “bad” science that would “destroy” the American dream as “heroic.” To more effectively respond to such narratives, scientists and policy proponents need to shift away from reporting just climate change “facts” in the attempt to gain stakeholder support for mitigation and adaptation initiatives. They need to move toward reasoning rhetorically to construct narratives that encourage the public to name them as the “heroes” who will achieve the American dream by their actions to mitigate climate-change outcomes. 相似文献