The gap report of global climate change mitigation,finance, and governance after the United States declared its withdrawal from the Paris Agreement

On 1 June 2017, the US President Donald Trump officially announced the withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, thus the study on the reasons of withdrawal, the potential impacts, and coping strategies has become a focus among policy circles and of the international community. Based on the self-developed US Policy Assessment Model, this paper systematically evaluates the three potential “major deficits” in terms of mitigation, climate finance, and global climate governance, as a result of the US withdrawal from the Paris Agreement and puts forward policy suggestions for coping with such transformations accordingly. The study shows that the United States ’withdrawal from the Paris Agreement will affect the existence and implementation of successive climate policies and result in an additional 8.8–13.4% increase in the global emissions reduction deficit. The United States’ withdrawal will also deteriorate the existing climate finance mechanism. The Green Climate Fund (GCF)’s funding gap will increase by US$2 billion, while the gap of long-term climate finance will increase by about US$5 billion a year. Either the China–EU or the “BASIC plus” mechanism could fill the governance deficit caused by the United States and the lack of political momentum may continue for a while in the future.     

Effect of hydraulic retention time on the hydrogen yield and population of Clostridium in hydrogen fermentation of glucose

The conversion of glucose to hydrogen was evaluated using continuous stirred tank reactor at pH 5.5 with various hydraulic retention times (HRT) at 30°C. Furthermore, the population dynamics of hydrogen-producing bacteria was surveyed by fluorescence in-situ hybridization using probe Clost IV targeting the genus Clostridium based on 16S rRNA. It was clear that positive correlation was observed between the cells quantified with probe Clost IV and hydrogen yield of the respective sludge. The numbers of hydrog...     

《巴黎协定》后的气候资金测量、报告和核证体系构建研究

气候资金测量、报告和核证产生于《联合国气候变化框架公约》(简称《公约》)之下,2009年以来一直是全球气候谈判的重点之一,也是未来全球共同应对气候变化和不断增进国际信任的重要环节。《巴黎协定》达成的"每两年通报"的决定,将推动气候资金测量、报告和核证得到不断的加强和完善。本文通过梳理最新的气候资金机制以及测量、报告和核证的文献资料和智库报告,分析了气候资金测量、报告和核证的内涵、目标和最新进展,以及公约框架下面临的挑战。分析指出,目前不同的气候资金统计和核算机构的资金分类标准存在差异,数据可比性有待改善;缺乏从资金上游到下游的反馈机制,影响气候资金测量、报告和核证体系的完整性;气候资金计量体系虽然正在发展和完善之中,但仍然难以提供准确的资金"支付"数据。据此,文章提出了构建综合性的国际气候资金测量、报告和核证体系的重点任务:建立具有统一数据基础和核算口径的气候资金测量体系,建立操作指南更为详细、形式更为标准统一的气候资金报告体系,以及"自上而下"和"自下而上"相结合的气候资金核证机制。最后,文章指出国际气候资金测量、报告和核证体系的构建需要发达国家和发展中国家在坚持公约资金机制的基础上共同参与和协作。作为国际上少数几个向GEF捐资的发展中国家之一,中国在参与过程中应力争体现发展中国家对气候资金性质的主张以及对测量、报告和核证机制的关键概念和范围界定的主张,影响国际气候资金机制的运营规则和技术规则。     

《巴黎协定》国家自主贡献下的新市场机制探析

环境产权化理论与生态现代化理论演绎出的碳市场被奉为解决碳排放"负外部性"的有效手段。《京都议定书》开创了"自上而下"模式的国际碳市场,但因未充分尊重缔约方自主和平等参与而成为一个封闭的"碳交易俱乐部"。京都机制的实践不足与碳市场的理论争议引发《巴黎协定》碳市场存废之争。《巴黎协定》的"国家自主贡献"标志着全球气候治理由"强制约束"向"自觉责任"的转向。基于新履约模式,缔约方形成四种新市场机制方案:基线与信用及碳交易机制、基线与信用"自上而下"或"自下而上"机制以及国际碳交易机制。为保障有效减缓并兼顾自主与平等参与,《巴黎协定》建立了"自上而下"基线与信用机制,但采取了与京都机制"项目"基线不同的"部门"基线。新市场机制对信用交易不再特殊限定,尊重缔约方参与和适用的自愿性;且以"部门"的总量约束为准入门槛对所有缔约方统一要求,体现出平等参与的特点;减排单位中植入可持续发展标准从而对新机制实施的总体效益予以"硬约束"。新机制将促进部门内的减排单位统一,为国际碳市场奠定规则基础。但其市场淡化与可持续发展植入亦将影响国家及区域碳市场异质化发展,不利于国际碳市场构建,其背弃配额交易,独采信用交易亦会抑制碳货币形成。中国建立国家碳市场旨在促进能源市场化改革和产业结构调整,将有利于中国履行"碳强度"和"非化石能源比重"的自主承诺,还将扭转经济增长对高碳排放的依赖,为未来中国履行强制减排责任奠定基础。     

《巴黎协定》后全球气候治理的形势与中国的引领作用

当前落实《巴黎协定》的实施细则谈判中,如何体现气候变化公约和《巴黎协定》的原则,全面、均衡地推进适应、减缓、资金、技术、能力建设和透明度各要素的进展,各缔约方仍存在较大分歧。为缩小各国减排承诺与实现控制温升2℃目标间的差距,2018年将开展"促进性对话",强化各缔约方的承诺和行动,也面临复杂的博弈形势。中国倡导合作共赢、公平正义、共同发展的全球气候治理新理念,把合作应对气候变化作为推动各国可持续发展的机遇,促进各国特别是发展中国家走上气候适宜型的低碳经济发展路径,以实现"发展"与"减碳"的双赢,促进各国加强互惠合作,共同发展,打造人类命运共同体。在国内遵循绿色、循环、低碳发展理念,统筹国内可持续发展与全球应对气候变化国内、国际两个大局,推动能源革命和经济发展方式转型,打造经济、民生、资源、环境与应对气候变化多方共赢的局面。加强国际务实合作,结合"一带一路"建设,秉承生态文明建设和绿色发展理念,与沿线国家可持续发展战略相对接,加强先进能源产业与低碳基础设施的建设和互联互通。中国在全球气候治理变革、能源与经济低碳转型、互惠共赢国际合作等领域,已经并将继续做出重要贡献,发挥引领作用。     

Comparing and evaluating the nationally determined contributions of the top six emitters under the Paris Agreement goals

ABSTRACT

Comparing and evaluating the Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) is an important element in global stocktake in the post-Paris climate negotiations, aimed at closing the emissions gap with the Paris Agreement goals. To date, however, there has still been no explicit guideline or method. By applying emissions allowance allocated by 16 schemes as benchmarks, this paper tries to compare and evaluate the NDCs of the top six emitters, which jointly account for about 70% of the world’s CO₂ emissions. Results show that the four developed countries’ NDCs lack ambition with respect to most allocations under 2°C and all under 1.5°C, indicating they need to substantially ratchet up their NDCs and lead elevating mitigation. Evaluating cumulative emissions is more likely to clarify the ambition and fairness of China’s NDC. If considering cumulative emissions, China’s NDC is aligned with the median of cumulative allowances under 2°C and within the 1.5°C range. The Paris Agreement invited the Parties to communicate the mid-century low emissions strategies. This paper also tries to explore the mid-century mitigation in the perspective of allocations, which might provide decision-makers with some useful information when envisaging the post-NDC mitigation.     

Mapping South Africaʼs nationally determined contributions to the targets of the sustainable development goals

The Paris Agreement?s nationally determined contributions (NDCs) provide an excellent point of entry to simultaneously address climate change and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). This study sets out to explore the connections between climate action plans (NDCs) and each of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). In this study, we used four levels of visibility, that is, present, generic, implied and absent to provide a broad perspective of the extent to which South Africa?s NDC is aligned with the targets of the SDGs. Our results revealed that South Africa?s NDC has 12% present level of visibility to the SDG targets, with SDG 7 Affordable and Clean Energy and SDG 13 Climate Action showing the highest representation of present level of visibility. By contrast, the absent level of visibility NDC showed 53% in the SDG targets, with SDG 5 Gender Equity, SDG 16 Peace, Justice and Strong Institutions and SDG 3 Good Health and Well‐Being, showing the highest representation of absent level of visibility. These results indicate that there is scope to improve the alignment of South Africa?s NDCs with the SDG targets. To this end, we have identified areas that may benefit with further elaboration in the country?s second NDC.     

四川十大功劳属植物的地理分布

本文研究了四川十大功劳属植物资源的种类、地理分布特点、植物群落特征及形成的主要原因,并简要地讨论了保护资源与环境的对策。     

养鸡场空气微生物污染及工人呼吸暴露风险

动物养殖场是空气环境微生物污染的重要来源,然而目前关于养殖场空气中微生物污染特征的时间规律少有报道.针对以上情况,以蛋鸡场为例,采用16S rRNA基因扩增子测序分别对养殖场空气和粪便环境中细菌分布特点及呼吸暴露展开为期80余周的研究.结果表明,空气和粪便样本中16S rRNA含量范围分别在6.08×10⁵ ~4.90×10⁶ copies·m^-3和4.27×10⁸ ~1.15×10¹⁰ copies·g^-1之间.空气中细菌浓度的平均值在冬季显著高于夏季,而生物多样性则呈现相反趋势.蛋鸡场空气与粪便中的优势细菌门均为厚壁菌门（Firmicutes）.在所调查时间内,空气中前3个优势菌属的种类较为稳定,依次为乳杆菌属（Lactobacillus）、拟杆菌属（Bacteroides）和栖粪杆菌属（Faecalibacterium）,而粪便中优势菌属则随养殖时间的增加波动较大.空气和动物粪便中细菌和致病菌群落结构的相关性均不显著,但不同介质中两种目标微生物的含量均显著相关.粪便中细菌的气溶胶化指数随养殖时间的增加而呈上升趋势,而致病菌趋势相反.其中,瘤胃菌科torques属（[Ruminococcus]_torques_group）、拟杆菌属（Bacteroides）和栖粪杆菌属（Faecalibacterium）为最易发生气溶胶化的前3个致病菌属.养鸡场工人的细菌呼吸暴露具有季节性差异,其中细菌和致病菌摄入量的平均值分别为2.54×10⁷ copies·d^-1和2.87×10⁵ copies·d^-1.研究结果将为系统评估养殖场空气微生物的污染特征和潜在健康风险,对以及制定相应的职业暴露行业标准和防控措施提供科学依据.     

Bound to lead?Rethinking China's role after Paris in UNFCCC negotiations

As the biggest global emitter of greenhouse gases, China is an extremely important actor in international climate negotiations. During the climate summit in Copenhagen, China was blamed for its uncooperative positions particularly from the US side. However, in the Paris climate process, China's participation in international negotiations is more active, and has become a wellrecognized promoter of the Paris Agreement. To understand China's climate policy, the economic and diplomatic strategy should be taken into consideration, especially the changes in the ideas of China's global governance rooted from domestic politics discourse. Moreover, China's symmetrical changes within domestic and international dimension possibly bring out more balanced climate policies and thus the constructive role of China will be the normalcy in the future United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Changenegotiations. However, the negotiations after the US presidential elections may change dramatically and yields great uncertainty for global action. Thus, the vacuum of power may be a possible scenario. Will China reinforce its role toward leadership or go back to group politics? This article examines China's concerns, motives, and possible path to climate leadership in the current debate.