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41.
高氟病区茶园土壤氟形态及其分布特征   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3       下载免费PDF全文
采用连续化学提取法,测定了黔西北高氟病区茶园土壤样品氟含量及氟的形态.结果表明:供试土壤全氟含量为314~3558mg/kg,平均为945mg/kg,高于全国土壤全氟平均含量(453mg/kg).不同类型供试土壤中全氟含量高低顺序为:棕壤和褐土(分别为1118和1114mg/kg)>黄棕壤(908mg/kg)>黄壤(681mg/kg).供试土壤中不同形态氟含量以残余态最高,其平均含量为940mg/kg;其次为有机束缚态氟,平均含量为7.82mg/kg,处于氟污染较高水平,可能会对人体健康和生态环境产生重要影响;铁锰结合态氟也较高,平均含量3.99mg/kg;水溶态氟和可交换态氟均较低,其平均含量分别为:1.98,1.14mg/kg.由此可见,土壤中氟形态大部分均以残余态形式存在于土壤中,可被茶树叶吸收的水溶态氟和可交换态氟含量均不高.相关性分析表明:可交换态氟只与水溶态氟呈显著正相关关系(r=0.459**),而水溶态氟与铁锰结合态氟、残余态氟和全氟均呈正相关关系(r分别为0.240*, 0.226*, 0.229*), 有机束缚态氟与铁锰结合态氟、残余态氟和全氟也呈正相关关系(r分别为0.757**, 0.312**, 0.320**),水溶态氟与土壤交换性盐基含量之间也呈极显著正相关关系,而土壤氟形态与有机质的相关性不明显,仅有机束缚态氟与土壤有机质呈弱负相关.本研究可为该区域土壤氟污染防治提供科学依据,也为土壤氟的迁移转化及其对生态和环境的影响研究奠定一定的理论基础.  相似文献   
42.
The adsorptive characteristics of biochar produced from garden green waste (S-char) and a mixture of food waste and garden green waste (FS-char) were investigated. Adsorption of Cu2+, Zn2+, and Mn2+ onto the two biochars reached equilibrium within 48 hours. The metal adsorption was effectively described by the pseudo-second-order kinetic and Freundlich isotherm models which suggest heterogeneous chemisorption. The initial solution pH influenced adsorption of Zn2+ and Mn2+ but not of Cu2+. Simulation via a surface complexation model showed that the fraction of XOCu+ adsorbed onto biochar was increased with increasing pH until it reached the adsorption maximum at pH 8.5, while the endpoint for the maximum of XOMn+ was higher than pH 12.  相似文献   
43.
以黄花夹竹桃(Thevetia peruviana(Pers.)k.Schum.)和芒果(Mangifera indica L.)苗木为材料,研究4种臭氧(O3)体积分数[环境大气NF,φ(O3)=10×10-9~20×10-9;低体积分数处理E50,φ(O3)=50×10-9;中体积分数处理E100,φ(O3)=100×10-9;高体积分数处理E200,φ(O3)=200×10-9]下两种植物叶片膜脂过氧化程度、可溶性蛋白质质量分数、可溶性糖质量分数和保护酶活性的变化情况,旨在揭示地表臭氧体积分数升高条件下2种植物生理代谢活动变化机理及响应规律。结果表明:随臭氧体积分数的增加,2种植物丙二醛含量和膜透性均逐渐上升,且与臭氧体积分数呈显著正相关关系,说明两种植物膜脂过氧化程度加剧;低体积分数O3处理时两种植物可溶性蛋白质量分数均逐渐下降,高φ(O3)处理后小幅回升;黄花夹竹桃可溶性糖质量分数逐渐下降,芒果先上升后下降;2种植物的POD活性均显著上升,但上升幅度有较大差异;2种植物的CAT活性均呈先升高再降低的趋势。研究表明,不同体积分数的臭氧暴露下,黄花夹竹桃和芒果均受到不同程度的伤害,芒果对臭氧表现出较强的抗性,黄花夹竹桃对臭氧较敏感。  相似文献   
44.
China's disaster management system contains no law‐based presidential disaster declarations; however, the national leader's instructions (pishi in Chinese) play a similar role to disaster declarations, which increase the intensity of disaster relief. This raises the question of what affects presidential disaster instructions within an authoritarian regime. This research shows that China's disaster politics depend on a crisis threshold system for operation and that the public and social features of disasters are at the core of this system. China's political cycle has no significant impact on disaster politics. A change in the emergency management system has a significant bearing on presidential disaster instructions, reflecting the strong influence of the concept of rule of law and benefiting the sustainable development of the emergency management system. In terms of disaster politics research, unlocking the black box of China's disaster politics and increasing the number of comparative political studies will benefit the development of empirical and theoretical study.  相似文献   
45.
Residents in Paso del Norte (El Paso, Texas; Sunland Park, New Mexico; and Juárez, Mexico) have been concerned about heavy metal contamination in their communities since the 1970s, when high blood lead levels were found in children living in Smeltertown – a company town for the local metals smelter. After the smelter's closure in 1999, and throughout onsite and offsite cleanup efforts, residents have continued to express concerns about these contamination issues. Using a politics of scale framework and analysing ethnographic data and government, media and scientific documents, this paper identifies a set of major disjunctures between the scales of heavy metal contamination and the scales at which that contamination is regulated. These disjunctures exacerbate regional environmental injustice by complicating public participation, neglecting vulnerability and displacing hazards to new communities. Consequently, applying a politics of scale framework to this case study highlights regulatory and policy failures to address environmental justice.  相似文献   
46.
Little is known about the legislative process and in particular how this relates to environment in Latin America. This article attemps to partially close this gap by discussing the dynamics of congressional environmental politics in Chile under former President Lagos (2000–2006). At first, this article discusses the role of the executive branch in the legislative process, congressional authority and environmental policy. This sometimes uneasy relationship is explored, and its consequences over environmental politics are discussed. The second part of the article attempts to explain legislator's choices in the area of environmental policy, developing and testing four main hypotheses that eventually help to explain why legislators support/reject laws of positive/negative environmental relevance. Finally, this article draws general conclusions on Chilean congressional politics and environmental policy, to then propose some recommendations on how to improve the process of creating environmental policy in Congress.  相似文献   
47.
The obvious paradox within China's environmental politics is the big gap between the central government's policy and its implementation outcomes at local levels. Despite concerns about implementation at the local level, much about the role of central governments in China's local environmental politics is still poorly understood. This article examines how the incentive structure set by the central authorities affects the policy implementation gap at the local level. Drawing on fieldwork and document analysis, this article argues that the incentives set by the central government regarding environmental policy implementation at local levels are perversely structured, meaning that the central government provides much more incentive for local governments' non-implementation or poor implementation of its environmental policies than it provides for full implementation. The central government's failure to encourage—politically, financially, as well as morally—local government officials to appropriately implement environmental policies can partly explain the production of the policy implementation gap at the local level. This implementation gap cannot be overcome by efforts at the local level unless the central government takes significant measures to address the perverse incentive structure embedded in the overall structure of China's local environmental politics.  相似文献   
48.
施用碱渣对茶园土壤酸度和茶叶品质的影响   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
开展田间小区试验研究了不同施用量条件下碱渣对酸化茶园土壤的酸度和茶叶品质的影响.结果表明,施用碱渣可以显著提高土壤pH、土壤交换性盐基和盐基饱和度,降低土壤交换性酸和交换性铝含量,并使土壤中钙、镁养分保持合理比例.施用碱渣提高了茶叶中茶多酚、儿茶素、咖啡碱、氨基酸和叶绿素含量,降低了茶叶中铅含量,使茶叶品质得到改善.碱渣施用量为4 500 kg·hm-2时,可将土壤pH值调节至5.51,达到最适合茶树生长的酸度条件,该条件下生产的茶叶品质也最佳,茶叶茶多酚、儿茶素、咖啡碱、氨基酸和叶绿素含量分别比对照提高22.5%、27.8%、34.9%、69.0%和52.1%,而Pb含量下降51.2%.  相似文献   
49.
Recent literature suggests that a “shared politics of place” attained through joint activities fosters social integration and provides people with a means to practise co-operation [Baumann, G., 1996. Contesting culture: discourses of identity in multi-ethnic London. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; Sanjek, R., 1998. The future of us all: race & neighbourhood policies in New York City. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press; Sennett, R., 2012. Together: the rituals, pleasures and politics of cooperation. UK: Penguin]. Such a “shared politics of place” is most likely to occur in the context of public space conceptualised broadly as “the setting for everyday spatial behaviour of individuals and communities, emphasizing ordinary activities of citizens” [Lownsbrough, H. and Beunderman, J., 2007. Equally spaced? Public space and interaction between diverse communities. London: Demos, p. 8]. Here we explore one element of such public space – urban agriculture sites – with a view to identifying the extent to which a “shared politics of place” can be created and nurtured among the cultivating citizenry. The paper draws on data collected on allotment gardening sites in two urban contexts: Dublin (Ireland) and Belfast (Northern Ireland) over the period 2009–2013. We demonstrate the centrality of allotment cultivation to the generation of solidarity, mutuality and trust among participating citizens. Individuals engaging in allotment gardening in both Dublin and Belfast create and sustain civil interfaces – dismantling barriers, exchanging knowledge, challenging stereotypes, generating empathy and getting on with the business of simply getting on with their lives. The modus operandi of allotment gardening is predicated on a willingness to disregard social and ethno-national categorisations while on site. This is not to deny that such differences exist and persist, but allotments offer a “space of potential” where those differences are, at least for a time, rendered less salient.  相似文献   
50.
高校思想政治教育队伍建设是加强高校思想政治教育的组织保证.文章通过分析高校思想政治教育工作的特点,说明了加强高校思想政治教育队伍建设的必要性.并从加强高校思想政治教育队伍的思想建设、提高思想政治教育队伍的整体素质和加强高校思想政治教育队伍建设的科学研究和管理等三方面阐述了如何建设一支高素质的思想政治教育队伍.  相似文献   
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