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61.
Will African voters support climate change policies? By 2020, the United Nations’ Green Climate Fund intends to provide tens of billions of dollars per year to African nations to support climate adaptation and mitigation policies. It is widely assumed that African citizens will support implementation of these climate policies. We observe the opposite result. In this article – across two experimental studies – we find evidence that Sub-Saharan African politicians who commit to climate change policies may lose electoral support. Electorally important swing voters with weak party affiliations are least likely to support party statements about climate change. Interviews with standing elected officials from Malawi and South Africa corroborate our experimental findings. The combined results suggest voter preferences may hinder the successful implementation of climate change policy in Sub-Saharan African democracies.  相似文献   
62.
ABSTRACT

The success of ecological restoration efforts is tightly coupled with the effectiveness of many U.S. environmental policies. Yet scholars have raised questions about the ability of restoration to produce intended results. We use a case study of tidal wetland restoration planning in Oregon to examine how neoliberal environmental governance exercises influence through a set of knowledge politics that produces subpar outcomes. We present three main findings: (1) restoration policies produce a restoration economy based on a conception of wetland as commodity (2) practitioners in this restoration economy exhibit competitive behavior resulting in a piecemeal rather than a landscape approach to restoration; and (3) limited monitoring prevents changes to existing policies. Practitioners offer insight into the challenge of treating wetlands as a commodity and call for more monitoring to challenge the assumptions of hegemonic knowledge practices that reinforce a neoliberal environmental governance regime. The divergent ideas of reflexive practitioners, though not yet manifest as action, show where changes to restoration governance might be possible.  相似文献   
63.
ABSTRACT: The traditional strong role of interest groups in water resources policy making has been modified recently by the introduction of many environmental groups. The new groups differ from traditional groups in their relatively modest resources and their relative lack of access to traditional decision points. This paper examines the extent to which the new groups differ in their perceptions of the effectiveness of tactics and in their use of tactics, taking into account group resources and group access to decision makers.  相似文献   
64.
The effects of eleven pesticides on the populations of bacteria, actinomycetes, fungi and protozoa was investigated by treating a garden soil with their recommended rates. The microbial populations were estimated using the standard plate-count technique. Of the ll pesticides investigated, phenylmercuric acetate (agrosan) at 50 g g-1 inhibited bacterial density the most, i.e. from 4,600,000 to 220 cells g-1. The pesticides were Pentachloronitrobenzene (PCNB), tetramethylmethylthiuram disulphide (thiram),1- naphthylmethylcarbamate (Vetox 85), 1,2,3,4,5,6-hexachlorocyclohexane (Gammalin 20), phenylmercuric acetate (Agrosan), tetrachloroterephthalic acid (Dacthal), 4-nitrophenyl –2-nitro-4-trifluoromethylphenyl ether (Preforan), 2-ethyl-6-methyl –N-2-methoxy –1-methyl ethyl-chloroacetanide (Dual), Benlate, Brestan and Gramoxone. Pentachloronitrobenzene (PCNB) at 240,000 g g-1 reduced bacterial population from 4,600,000 to 2,100 cells g-1, whereas tetramethylthiuram disulphide (thiram) at 100 g g-1 suppressed it by 2 log orders of magnitude. Soil application of 1-naphthylmethylcarbamate (Vetox 85) at 100 g g-1 and 1,2,3,4,5,6,-hexachlorocyclohexane (Gamalin 20) at 1,300 g g-1 repressed the bacterial numbers by 2 log orders of magnitude each. Pentachloronitrobenzene reduced the actinomycetes density from 340,000 to 320 cells g-1 and completely eliminated all fungal and protozoan propagules from the soil. The Gammalin 20 completely wiped out all the fungi, whereas phenylmercuric acetate totally eliminated all the protozoa and reduced the fungal population from 34,000 to 60 cells g-1. In general, protozoa and fungi were more susceptible to fungicides than bacteria and actinomycetes. Pentachloronitrobenzene, 1,2,3,4,5,6,-hexachlorocyclohexane and phenylmercuric acetate were toxic particularly to soil microorganisms, whereas the herbicides dacthal, Preforan and Dual were quite harmless in soil at application rates of 0.1, 0.06 and 0.02 g g-1 respectively.  相似文献   
65.
客观地介绍了循环经济产生的社会背景及发展趋势、国内外发展循环经济的成功经验,阐述了发展循环经济的理论基础及实践意义,详细地提出了秦皇岛市发展循环经济的奋斗目标、实施对策.  相似文献   
66.
污泥土地利用对土壤中重金属形态的影响   总被引:32,自引:2,他引:32  
马利民  陈玲  吕彦  赵建夫 《生态环境》2004,13(2):151-153
土地利用是资源化利用城市污水厂污泥的有效途径,随污泥中的营养成分一起进入土壤中的还有其中的重金属元素,它们有可能成为一种环境安全的隐患。本实验所用的土壤为污泥经过无害化及稳定化处理后,与上海潮滩沙土按不同比例(干污泥质量比)混配而成。种植前后分别对沙土、污泥及混配土的重金属含量及形态进行测试。选择几种花卉植物,如菊花(Calendula officinalis)等进行植物种植试验,一个生长季后对植物中的重金属含量及形态进行测试。应用Tessler连续提取法,对污泥中的重金属进入土壤后,土壤中重金属的含量、赋存状态等方面的规律进行研究,发现污泥的土地利用会明显增加土壤中的重金属含量,而且重金属的形态也有明显的变化,可交换态和碳酸盐结合态的重金属含量有明显的增加;如长期使用,则必须采取相应的措施,以消除有害的影响。  相似文献   
67.
Partisan polarization of public opinion is a major trend in American environmental politics. While the national pattern is widely recognized, scholars know much less about the polarization of public opinion over time at the state level. This lack of knowledge is unfortunate because geographic variation in the polarization of opinion is essential for explaining the origins of partisan polarization and evaluating its consequences for policy. To fill the gap, the multilevel regression and poststratification technique is applied to provide credible estimates of state-level environmental public opinion for both Democrats and Republicans, 1973–2012. It appears that the growing partisan gap reflects increased pro-environmental opinion among Democrats across many states, whereas Republican state-level public opinion is converging toward a much lower baseline. Cross-state variation among both parties has decreased over time, contributing to greater partisan polarization in the aggregate. Changes in the sorting of voters in and out of political parties cannot explain these patterns of polarization.  相似文献   
68.
In climate change-related media discourses metaphors are used to (re-)conceptualize climate change science as well as climate change mitigation/adaptation efforts. Using critical metaphor analysis, we study linguistic and conceptual metaphors in opinion-page content from the British online newspapers Guardian Online and Mail Online, while paying attention to the arguments they advance. We find that Guardian Online employed war metaphors to advance pro-climate change arguments. War metaphors were used to (1) communicate the urgency to act on climate change and (2) conceptualize climate change politics. Mail Online employed religion metaphors to furnish skeptic/contrarian arguments. Religion metaphors were used to (1) downplay the urgency to act on climate change and (2) conceptualize transitions from climate change belief to skepticism. These findings raise concerns about sustained policy gridlock and refute expectations about novelty in climate change-related media discourses (as both war and religion have a history of use).  相似文献   
69.
The small-rodent populations of five collective gardens have been studied. The example of one of the populations has been used to monitor the annual cycle of population size. The species composition and animal number depends on the biotope, climatic conditions, and the anthropogenic load. The ratios between species in the gardens and neighboring biotopes differ from each other, with different species being dominant. It is assumed that small mammals use garden plots as refugia.  相似文献   
70.
本文将毛泽东的谈话风格概括为广征博引、形散神聚;幽默轻松、寓庄于谐;妙用比喻、以小见大;通俗朴实、平中见奇等四个方面.并认为,高校思想政治理论课教师在教学风格和教学艺术方面应当积极借鉴毛泽东的上述谈话风格,在博览群书的基础上,突破就思想谈思想、就政治讲政治的教学习惯,使思想政治理论课教学进一步丰富化、趣味化、生活化和休闲化.  相似文献   
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