对新疆边境地区跨境环境问题的思考

新疆边境贸易的发展促进了新疆经济的发展,但是在发展的过程中也存在跨境水体污染、固体废物危险废物跨境转移、消耗臭氧层物质非法贸易、外来物种入侵、跨境保护区与野生动物跨境迁徙和沙尘等跨境环境问题,并针对性提出了相应的科技需求,旨在为新疆边境地区跨境环境问题的研究提供一些思考。     

我国农产品贸易中的虚拟耕地交易分析

虚拟耕地是指隐含在农产品贸易中,生产这些农产品过程中所必需占用的土地资源,有意识的在国际农产品贸易中实施虚拟耕地战略,对于平衡国内耕地赤字、保障粮食安全,发挥我国农产品在国际市场上的竞争优势具有重要的理论指导意义。首先介绍了虚拟耕地的定义及其量化方法,接着分析计算了我国谷物、油籽、棉花等几类主要农产品单位重量的虚拟耕地含量,在此基础上,对当前农产品进出口贸易中虚拟耕地的交易现状及未来发展趋势作了分析和预测。结果显示：近10 a来虚拟耕地净进口量出现持续增长,2006年,通过农产品国际贸易净进口虚拟耕地16602903.1 hm²,约占当年全国耕地总面积的12.77%。同时,虚拟耕地净进口量在今后若干年仍将保持增长态势。     

多瑙河流域国际合作实践与启示

多瑙河是世界上流经国家最多的国际河流,其国际合作的成功实践对世界其他国际河流的合作具有积极的示范和借鉴作用。通过分析和总结多瑙河国际合作历程和合作特点（包括多种合作机制并存互补;引入风险管理、公众参与和流域综合管理等先进理念促进全面合作;利用GIS及数据管理等现代技术手段实现信息资源共享;利用协商和司法手段和平解决国际争端等）,结合我国国际河流的特点和国际水法及国际河流合作的发展趋势,提出了对我国的启示：应加强国际河流相关方面的研究与合作（特别是航运与水电开发等）;应充分重视国际河流生态环境保护,生态环境保护和防洪越来越强调全流域的合作与协调;应坚持国际河流的开发利用与保护并举,走平衡发展之路;应根据各国际河流特点及地区条件,选择合适的管理合作模式.     

协调中国环境污染与经济增长冲突的路径研究——基于环境退化成本的分析

选取我国1990-2009年相关数据,首先对环境遥化成本进行估计,发现我国环境退化成本呈现不断上升的趋势,而水污染、空气污染是导致环境退化成本产生的主要原因.其次,以环境退化成本作为污染指标,结合环境库兹涅茨曲线的特征,并以能否有效地将污染指标降低到相对较低的水平,作为政策路径选择的标准,分析协调我国环境污染与经济增长冲突的路径.实证研究结果表明:在不考虑政策因素的影响下,我国目前国内生产总值水平仍处在环境库兹涅茨曲线拐点的左端,经济持续增长有可能导致环境状况进一步恶化;多项环境治理政策的同步实施,致使个别政策出现低效率甚至是无效率;在当前产出水平条件下,既要保证经济平稳增长,又要降低环境退化成本,政策路径的选择首先应注重产业结构的调整,适当保持第二产业比重,但在发展第三产业的过程中,应加大对污染企业的监管与治理,其次是调整国际贸易进出口比例,积极扩大出口,而采用吸引外商直接投资与加大污染治理投资等政策在我国现阶段均不能有效降低环境退化成本.     

中国低碳发展的国际比较:世界贸易格局

近年来随着我国经济的持续平稳快速发展,与之相伴随的碳排放总量持续攀升,中国也因此被推上世界碳减排的风口浪尖.为了明确中国碳排放的国际地位,本文从世界贸易格局视角对中国的碳排放现状进行了国际比较研究.首先分析研究了我国2007年面临的碳排放国际形势,继而对我国的出口贸易形势进行了国际比较,最后采用GDP比例法和类推法对我国商品出口隐含的碳排放进行了初步测算,并分析了剔除出口贸易影响后的我国碳排放情况.通过研究认为:①出口贸易对我国的碳排放总量影响巨大,我国的商品出口占GDP比例长期维持在20%以上,近几年高峰值超过36%;②在当前的世界贸易格局、国际分工体系下,采用“生产者责任体系”碳排放测算模式大大高估了中国的碳排放水平,中国的碳排放总量中有34-60%是为他国服务而产生;③中国在当前世界贸易格局和国际分工体系中的地位使得中国在目前的碳排放测算模式下必然“产生较高的碳排放”;④世界各国应该重新审视和正确认识中国的“高”碳排放形势,中国为世界各国提供商品服务而产生的碳排放不应该受到指责.     

INTERSTATE AND INTERNATIONAL COMPETITION FOR WATER RESOURCES1

ABSTRACT: Federal-state relations over the management and regulation of ground water resources have undergone a number of changes in recent years. There are a variety of reasons that the role of the federal government in ground water management may increase in the future. One important reason federal policymakers may become involved concerns the extent of competition for ground water resources that cross state and national borders. This article summarizes reasons that interstate and international competition for ground water resources may provide the impetus for federal intervention in ground water management and presents the results of a survey conducted to determine the extent of that competition.     

加快培育和提高中国企业的国际竞争力

本文以中国企业在国际企业中排名情况论述了中国企业的国际竞争力及其应采取的培育措施。     

A GEOGRAPHICAL ANALYSIS OF WATER-RELATED CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS IN TEXAS, 1985–19911

ABSTRACT: Texans participate directly in water policy decision-making through a referendum process involving amendment of the state's constitution. Prior to 1985, Texans voted on eight amendments. Five of these were ratified (1957, 1962, 1966, 1971, 1976), and collectively resulted in the creation of the Water Development Fund, with an authorization level of $600 million, and the Texas Water Development Board, the organization charged with administering the fund. Three other amendments were defeated in 1969, 1976, and 1981 by ever-increasing margins. From 1985 to 1991, six additional amendments were proposed and subsequently ratified, resulting in a $1.8 billion increase in Water Development Fund authorization and the creation of an agricultural water conservation fund and bond insurance program. County-level electoral data for the 1985–1991 referenda were mapped to assess sectional and regional factors underlying public opinion regarding these water resource development and funding programs. Regional contrasts were most pronounced for the 1989 and 1991 referenda that targeted economically distressed areas across the state, particularly the colonias located along the Rio Grande, and the 1989 amendment that removed a time limit on the issuance of agricultural water conservation bonds. As a specific case study, the Texas experience could serve as a guide in California where similar constitutional restrictions require tax and spending programs to be approved by voters, and in other states that may be considering the development of similar state-level financial programs for water projects.     

Environmental Management and the New Politics of Western Water: The Animas-La Plata Project and Implementation of the Endangered Species Act

/ This paper explores the new politics of western water policy through an examination of the Animas-La Plata water project and implementation of the Endangered Species Act. It is suggested that the focus of western water programming has shifted from the source of distributed funds, the United States Congress, to the agencies originally created to deliver federal benefits because funding for new project construction has not been forthcoming. Under this new system, members of Congress continue to excite their constituents with promises of money for new project starts, while the administrative agencies perform the myriad duties needed to keep these projects alive. The result is that political objectives have replaced operational/management objectives in administrative processes. In this case, the author demonstrates how resource managers in the Bureau of Reclamation manipulated hydrological analysis to control administrative process, why their manipulation was unfair, and perhaps illegal, and why biologists from the US Fish and Wildlife Service accepted the analysis. While ostensibly protecting all interests, the result is that none of the objectives of federal water programming are achieved. KEY WORDS: Environmental management; Administrative politics; Water policy; Endangered Species Act; Animas-La Plata, Bureau of Reclamation     

What happens to the state in conflict?: political analysis as a tool for planning humanitarian assistance

It is now part of received wisdom that humanitarian assistance in conflict and post-conflict situations may be ineffective or even counterproductive in the absence of an informed understanding of the broader political context in which so-called 'complex political emergencies' (CPEs) occur. Though recognising that specific cases have to be understood in their own terms, this article offers a framework for incorporating political analysis in policy design. It is based on a programme of research on a number of countries in Africa and Asia over the last four years. It argues that the starting-point should be an analysis of crises of authority within contemporary nation-states which convert conflict (a feature of all political systems) into violent conflict; of how such conflict may in turn generate more problems for, or even destroy, the state; of the deep-rooted political, institutional and developmental legacies of political violence; and of the difficulties that complicate the restoration of legitimate and effective systems of governance after the 'termination' of conflict. It then lists a series of questions which such an analysis would need to ask--less in order to provide a comprehensive check-list than to uncover underlying political processes and links. It is hoped these may be used not only to understand the political dynamics of emergencies, but also to identify what kinds of policy action should and should not be given priority by practitioners.