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671.
农村水环境内生治理机制是外源治理力量"嵌入"的前提和运行保障,加强农村内在要素的水环境治理参与对于农村生态社区建设具有重要意义.内生治理效用的高低不仅取决于农村社区成员的组织化程度还较多受到环境政策执行效果的影响,细致分析时下农村水环境治理的内部结构,农户参与不足、民间组织承接能力不高、社区公共性消减和政策执行偏差等问题在较大程度上制约着农村内生秩序与农村生态社区建设的和谐共进.进一步厘清农村水环境内生治理的强化进路,可从参与渠道拓展、民间组织培育、内生秩序转型以及治理规范制定四个方面加以调整,不断促进农村水环境治理的内外互动.  相似文献   
672.
区域环境的合作治理在城市群发展的背景下已经成为政府环境保护的重要内容,环保合作事务中各个政府部门的关系、合作的机制、组织行政、效果评估等方面都引起了学者的广泛关注。然而,大部分研究主要关注府际合作中静态的、程式化的制度关系,对合作发展的总体过程、各合作主体之间、事件之间的动态联系研究较少,这将阻碍我们深入理解城市群的环保合作机制。基于此,本文运用过程视角对海峡西岸城市群的合作历程进行梳理,追溯其发展轨迹,对合作主体和议题的演化进行分析,对海西城市群府际之间的动态合作治理机制进行深入挖掘,并针对合作机制的不足提出相应的改善措施。  相似文献   
673.
While in many cases the benefits of ecosystem services (ES) can be enjoyed on different scales, the provision of ES requires engagement and commitment at the local scale. Therefore, the local level becomes important when thinking about compensation schemes or payments for ecosystem services (PES) as an approach to managing ES. The difficult task of bringing together different actors and institutions at different scales for specific conservation projects at the local level often remains in the hands of intermediaries. In this paper, we investigate the role of a civil society organisation (CSO) as an intermediary organisation in a PES scheme, the Community Blue Carbon Project (CBCP) in Costa Rica. To assess the role of intermediaries in a PES scheme, we rely on social network analysis and examine the position and role of the intermediary organisation. Based on Net-Map interviews, which is an interview-based mapping tool that helps people understand, visualise, discuss and improve situations in which many different actors influence outcomes, we find that the intermediary organisation in the CBCP is composed of several institutional and individual intermediaries who create both formal networks for connecting the international to the local level and informal networks for creating trusting relationships among the actors. Different spatial levels are reflected within the CSO’s organisational structure, and the CSO mitigates the distributional, procedural, recognition and contextual aspects of environmental justice.  相似文献   
674.
Since Confederation in 1867, official Canadian settler government policy on the environment has sought to simultaneously preserve “wilderness” and exploit natural resources for market gain. In the 1960s, the nascent North American modern environmental movement pushed for stronger regulation on pollution and toxics – and a more institutionalised state-led response to environmental problems emerged. Throughout the last five decades, three principal “eras” of federal government reaction have emerged in response to mounting scientific evidence and public pressure to act on environmental issues. The first, from the late-1960s to mid-1980s, saw the development and implementation of early environmental policy and programmes. The second era, from the mid-1980s to mid-2000s co-occurred alongside the rise of the sustainable development paradigm, and is marked by the Canadian government’s attempt at leadership on the global stage. The third era, from the mid-2000s to 2015, demonstrates a shift from environmental regime-building and multilateral collaboration toward rollbacks and obstructionism. Under the leadership of Prime Minister Stephen Harper, the government of Canada reversed decades of progress and cooperation on the environment and sustainable development through its muzzling of government scientists, superficial co-optation of climate policy, rollbacks of environmental legislation and disparagement of environmental activists. In total, by shifting the federal government from a position of ineffective benevolence on environmental issues to one of contention and antagonism, the Harper government’s approach represents a departure from Canadian environmental governance norms and sought to remake the identity of Canada as an energy superpower inextricably tied to its oil and gas industry.  相似文献   
675.
Urban areas worldwide are challenged by climate change and urban flooding. Within the academic literature, adaptive measures that can be integrated into other issues such as recreation, nature reserves, and social issues are considered the way forward. Adaptation has recently become a mandatory planning theme for Danish municipalities, which in the absence of established practices are struggling to find the best institutional set-up to address adaptation as an integrated issue. Based on a case study of an integrated project organised as a partnership, this article identifies and discusses governance challenges that must be addressed if municipalities are to benefit from synergies through integrated projects. The municipality in question has established a partnership with housing organisations, foundations, and a utility company as well as facilitated a dialogue with citizens and institutions to address flooding threats and social issues at the neighbourhood scale. Because of strong political and leadership support, funding from partners, and good project facilitation both partners and politicians are enthusiastic about the project and its potential. Several challenges, however, needed to be addressed, particularly in relation to clashing norms from different governance paradigms. This is an issue requiring more attention both in research and practice.  相似文献   
676.
Drawing on the wide social scientific literature on emotions and affects, we highlight the value and potential contribution of the affect theory for understanding public engagement in environmental policy and planning. We suggest that such theorization complements political ontologies that envision concerned publics to arise as citizens are attached to objects and other beings in their everyday life. Focus on emotions and affects enables in-depth exploration of the corporeality of these attachments, increasing understanding about how affected publics get driven for action and how new sensibilities and horizons for action are created. Based on the discussion of affect theory and case examples, we argue that emotions and affects should be treated as crucial carriers of knowledge about transformation of political subjects and their concerns. They also direct analytic gaze beyond public participation procedures and encourage the development of novel, more inclusive settings for public engagement.  相似文献   
677.
Mountain socio-ecological systems produce valuable but complex ecosystem services resulting from biomes stratified by altitude and gravity. These systems are often managed and shaped by smallholders whose marginalization is exacerbated by uncertainties and a lack of policy attention. Human–environment interfaces in mountains hence require holistic policies. We analyse the potential of the Global Mountain Green Economy Agenda (GMGEA) in building awareness and thus prompting cross-sectoral policy strategies for sustainable mountain development. Considering the critique of the green economy presented at the Rio + 20 conference, we argue that the GMGEA can nevertheless structure knowledge and inform regional institutions about the complexity of mountain socio-ecological systems, a necessary pre-condition to prompt inter-agency collaboration and cross-sectoral policy formulation. After reviewing the content of the GMGEA, we draw on two empirical cases in the Pakistani and Nepali Himalayas. First, we show that lack of awareness has led to a sequence of fragmented interventions with unanticipated, and unwanted, consequences for communities. Second, using a green economy lens, we show how fragmentation could have been avoided and cross-sectoral policies yielded more beneficial results. Project fragmentation reflects disconnected or layered policies by government agencies, which inherently keep specialized agendas and have no incentive to collaborate. Awareness makes agencies more likely to collaborate and adopt cross-sectoral approaches, allowing them to target more beneficiaries, be more visible, and raise more funds. Nevertheless, we also identify four factors that may currently still limit the effect of the GMGEA: high costs of inter-agency collaboration, lack of legitimacy of the green economy, insufficiently-secured smallholder participation, and limited understanding of the mechanisms through which global agendas influence local policy.  相似文献   
678.
对国际议程间的关联性分析已经成为全球治理中的重要问题。特别是,由联合国引领的全球发展与应对气候变化问题,已经占据了当前国际政治议程的首要位置,两者的协同直接影响到全球治理的有效性。《2030年可持续发展议程》与《巴黎气候协定》不仅具有共同的规范性基础,而且两者通过议题衔接和叠加已经形成了密切的治理关系,国际制度关联性日益突出。从目前来看,这种关联性体现了以下特点:第一,嵌入关系。可持续发展议程的目标之一是应对全球气候变化,《巴黎协定》的治理目标已经嵌入联合国可持续发展议程之中,但也与一些目标存在矛盾,因此,协同治理具有必要性。第二,指标对应。《巴黎协定》下的“国家自主贡献”细化项目与可持续发展议程中的大部分指标已经形成对应关系,治理具有同质性。第三,制度间倡议交叉与功能外溢。其协同治理关系具体表现在诸多层面上,特别是在联合国系统内的协调、治理模式的趋同、资金渠道的整合、围绕联合国可持续发展议程所进行的发展机构改革,以及联合进行政策倡议、规则建构及政策制定等方面。从制度关系演变的角度来看,两者协同治理的类型正在发生变化,制度互动在不同层次上不断累积,并逐渐转向伙伴型的协同治理模式。  相似文献   
679.
长江流域生态环境治理的瓶颈及对策分析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1       下载免费PDF全文
长江流域生态环境治理是长江大保护的重点任务之一.中国共产党第十九次全国代表大会以来,长江流域各地区生态环境治理工作取得了显著的进展,但在流域的数据感知和评价、制度保障、管理支撑、科技创新驱动、工程治理等方面仍存在不足.借鉴国外流域治理经验,长江流域生态环境治理应通过构建法治化、专业化、智能化的高效治理体系,打造共建共管共享的流域治理新格局,实现流域生态环境质量持续改善.结果表明,结合长江流域生态环境治理特征和调研分析,提出通过强化长江大保护法律制度建设和顶层设计,建立合理有效的治理评价体系;以企业为主体,创新科研研发模式,并推动成果转化和应用;发挥大数据的智能化和应用价值,推动大数据和人工智能等技术手段在治理中的应用;既注重流域层面的系统治理又兼顾区域层面的差异化治理,促进长江流域生态系统治理,促进长江流域生态环境质量持续改善.研究显示,强化制度建设、拓宽融资渠道以及利用大数据智能化促进高新技术的推广应用和工程治理效益的提升,是突破长江流域生态环境治理瓶颈的对策.   相似文献   
680.
ABSTRACT

Marine spatial planning (MSP) has become the most adopted approach for sustainable marine governance. While MSP has transformative capacity, evaluations of its implementation illustrate large gaps between how it is conceptualised and how it is practiced. We argue that these gaps arise from MSP being implemented through post-political processes. Although MSP has been explored through post-political lenses, these evaluations are incomplete and do not provide sufficient detail about the complex nature of the post-political condition. Drawing on seminal literature, we conceptualise the post-political as consisting of highly interconnected modalities of depoliticisation, including: neoliberalism; choreographed participation; path dependency; technocratic-managerialism; and the illusion of progressive change. Using these modalities as an analytical framework, we evaluate English MSP and find that it focuses on entrenching neoliberal logic through: tokenistic participation; wholescale adoption of path-dependent solutions; obstructionist deployment of inactive technological solutions; and promising progressive change. We do not, however, view the post-political condition as unresolvable and we develop a suite of suggestions for the re-politicisation of MSP which, collectively, could form the basis for more radical forms of MSP.  相似文献   
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