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81.
There is a strong political divide on climate change in the US general public, with Liberals and Democrats expressing greater belief in and concern about climate change than Conservatives and Republicans. Recent studies find a similar though less pronounced divide in other countries. Its leadership in international climate policy making warrants extending this line of research to the European Union (EU). The extent of a left–right ideological divide on climate change views is examined via Eurobarometer survey data on the publics of 25 EU countries before the 2008 global financial crisis, the 2009 ‘climategate’ controversy and COP-15 in Copenhagen, and an increase in organized climate change denial campaigns. Citizens on the left consistently reported stronger belief in climate change and support for action to mitigate it than did citizens on the right in 14 Western European countries. There was no such ideological divide in 11 former Communist countries, likely due to the low political salience of climate change and the differing meaning of left–right identification in these countries. 相似文献
82.
Why do some governments have more environmentally friendly policies than others? Part of the answer involves governing parties’ ideological positions on environmentalism and the constraints imposed by executive institutions. Here, this party-based explanation is elaborated and tested with uniquely comparable indicators of national environmental policies for governments in 27 countries in the European Union (EU). The findings show that governments with parties that emphasized environmental protection in their manifestos are more likely to propose pro-environment policies during EU-level negotiations. However, the effect of ideology is mediated by the centralization of the national executive branch. In centralized national executives, the environmental positions of prime ministers’ parties affect policies, while in decentralized national executives, the positions of environment ministers’ parties are relevant. The findings have implications for understanding the impact of parties’ environmental positions on government policies, as well as for policy making in coalitions more generally. 相似文献
83.
What factors shape the democratic potential of public consultation in environmental policymaking? Here, the motivations, purposes, designs, and outcomes of recent public engagement on land use planning, climate change policy, and water resource management in Alberta, Canada are reviewed in order to show how the power dynamics of the political and economic context shape the democratic potential of public and stakeholder consultations, especially where dominant resource interests are at stake. At the same time, political leadership, interactions between civil society actors and key design elements are shown to be important to democratization. 相似文献
84.
Michael Hennessy Lauren Hawkins Kathleen Hall Jamieson 《Environmental Communication: A Journal of Nature and Culture》2017,11(1):63-74
In this article we examine in real time the political selective exposure process involved when the public confronted the “walrus haul out” of October 2014, a news event attributed by some climate change researchers to the effects of the climate change-driven reduction of Arctic sea ice. Analyzing data assessing the amount of major TV and cable news network coverage of the haul out, and evaluating public opinion data collected from a rolling cross-sectional survey of US adults take at the time, we show that coverage of this event was not equitably distributed across news media news sources, that exposure to news source is related to the respondents’ ideological dispositions, and that exposure to coverage of the walrus haul out is related to ideology, the selectivity of political news habits, and climate change knowledge. We conclude with a discussion of the apparent inevitability of selective exposure to media coverage of climate change-related events and the implications for effective climate change communication. 相似文献
85.
构建生态保护市场体系是我国生态文明制度建设和环境保护体制改革的重要目标. 生态资产资本化运营是利用市场经济手段保护生态资源、改善生态环境质量,并直接或者间接创造利润的生态经济运作模式,与我国生态文明制度建设和环境保护体制改革目标具有高度统一性. 为推进生态资产资本化运营进程,通过全面分析、归纳、总结国内外生态资产资本化运营理论研究和案例实践成果,深入剖析了社会主体、生态客体、市场平台、技术动力和制度保障五大构成要素在生态资产资本化运作体系中的地位和作用;以此为前提,依据生态资产资本化运营的客体类型,探讨了深度开发生态产品增殖、优化配置生态资产共生增殖、交易生态资产权属、交易生态服务、产业化运营五大生态资产资本化模式,并结合我国生态环境状况与经济社会发展形势,从构建激励保障机制、建立监管约束制度和提升科技支撑能力三方面提出推进我国生态资产资本化运营的政策需求,以规避生态资产“过度资本化”的生态风险,实现经济社会与生态环境保护可持续、协同发展的目标. 相似文献
86.
Institutions managing the Alaska road,rail, airport, and marine highwaytransportation system and the pipelinecorridor are evaluated for reactions toevidence of climate change. Long-termclimate warming is not a formal criterionin the decisional process of the stateDepartment of Transportation and PublicFacilities for road and airport projects,which have a short (15–25 year) life span,but is taken into account for bridgeconstruction (50–75 year life). Short- tomid-term climate effects are considered inareas with discontinuous permafrost andaffect routing, roadbed construction, andmaintenance decisions. National standardsare amended with Alaska-specific practicesfor unique cold-weather conditions.The Federal/State Joint Pipeline Office(JPO), responsible for monitoring ofpipeline safety under the federal lease andstate grant, in 2001 developed additionalstipulations to mitigate permafrost thawingand slope instability, including a `watchlist' of 200 wobbling VSMs on theTrans-Alaska Pipeline. This action appearsmore responsive to climate change effectsthan that of any other arctic institutionstudied. It can be attributed to thespecific authority of the JPO to monitorgeotechnical conditions at present and inthe future.In general, agencies tended to adoptincremental responses to evidence ofclimate change. 相似文献
87.
Nathan Dinneen 《环境政策》2017,26(5):938-955
In The Imperative of Responsibility, Hans Jonas elevates the practice of ecological scenario planning in political analysis. Not only does he provide an ethical justification for ecological scenario planning, but he also uses it as a means to discern an ethical imperative for the technological age. Jonas engages in regime analysis while keeping before him a vision of the worst-case ecological scenario, a combination that is morally and politically necessary due to the colossal consequences of cumulative human actions. Jonas’s work thus provides a good, even necessary, starting point for examining the relevance of scenario planning for environmental political theory. 相似文献
88.
Conservation planning is integral to strategic and effective operations of conservation organizations. Drawing upon biological sciences, conservation planning has historically made limited use of social data. We offer an approach for integrating data on social well‐being into conservation planning that captures and places into context the spatial patterns and trends in human needs and capacities. This hierarchical approach provides a nested framework for characterizing and mapping data on social well‐being in 5 domains: economic well‐being, health, political empowerment, education, and culture. These 5 domains each have multiple attributes; each attribute may be characterized by one or more indicators. Through existing or novel data that display spatial and temporal heterogeneity in social well‐being, conservation scientists, planners, and decision makers may measure, benchmark, map, and integrate these data within conservation planning processes. Selecting indicators and integrating these data into conservation planning is an iterative, participatory process tailored to the local context and planning goals. Social well‐being data complement biophysical and threat‐oriented social data within conservation planning processes to inform decisions regarding where and how to conserve biodiversity, provide a structure for exploring socioecological relationships, and to foster adaptive management. Building upon existing conservation planning methods and insights from multiple disciplines, this approach to putting people on the map can readily merge with current planning practices to facilitate more rigorous decision making. Poner a la Gente en el Mapa por Medio de una Estrategia que Integra Información Social en la Planeación de la Conservación 相似文献
89.
Information communication technologies (ICTs; e.g., smartphones) enable employees to work anywhere and anytime, blurring work and family boundaries. Building on this trend, this study draws from work–family border/boundary theory to examine antecedents and consequences of employees' weekly experiences of ICT demands (i.e., being accessible and contacted for work after hours via ICTs). A sample of 546 elementary teachers completed a registration survey and a weekly diary for 5 weeks. Multilevel modeling results suggest that ICT demands as a form of work intrusion in the home can constitute a source of significant weekly strain (i.e., negative rumination, negative affect, and insomnia). As border crossers, teachers' adoption of a technological boundary tactic (i.e., keeping work email alerts turned off on mobile phones) was related to lower weekly ICT demands. As important border keepers at work, school principals' work–family support was related to teachers' lower weekly ICT demands, whereas parents' after-hours boundary expectations were related to teachers' higher weekly ICT demands. Moreover, teachers' boundary control was found as a mediating mechanism by which the two border keepers influenced teachers' ICT demands−negative rumination link. That is, teachers who received fewer boundary expectations and/or more work–family support had greater boundary control, which in turn buffered the ICT demands–negative rumination relationship. 相似文献
90.
《Environmental Communication: A Journal of Nature and Culture》2013,7(4):529-547
This essay provides a critical account of Wal-Mart's rhetoric of environmental stewardship. By situating this discourse within a new political economy of production and governance that Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri have termed empire, I argue that environmental communication scholars should limit the rush to deploy ideological criticism when explaining the corporation's rhetorical motives. Instead, I advocate reading Wal-Mart's rhetoric as a problem of historical conjunctures, a critical move that seeks to highlight, not only the structural interests of capital, but also the centrality of social antagonism. In the case of Wal-Mart, this means accounting for the increased significance of demand to economic production, changes in the composition of sovereignty, and the transgressive function of environmentalism at the beginning of the twenty-first century. 相似文献