Exploring the relationship between climate change and violent conflict

ABSTRACT

Does climate change lead to violent conflict? This article reviews the existing literature connecting climatic conditions to conflict. It finds that the existing literature has not detected a robust and general effect from climate to conflict onset. Moreover, there exists scientific agreement that climatic changes can contribute to conflict under some conditions and through certain pathways. In particular, the recent literature offers considerable suggestive evidence that climatic changes can lead to conflict in countries and/or regions, which are dependent on agriculture, host politically excluded groups, and have ineffective institutions. Future research should focus not only on understanding of the pathways and contexts in which climatic changes are most likely to increase or exacerbate the risk of conflict but also work to understand the mechanisms by which climate variability and change might cause conflict.     

An “Asymmetric Threat” That Should Have Been Anticipated: Political Discourse on 2007 Wildfires in Greece

This paper examines the pre-election interpretative repertoires employed by the two main political parties in Greece regarding the 2007 summer wildfires, which have been recorded as the worst natural disaster in contemporary Greek history. This involved a discourse analysis of press releases, interviews, and press conference statements. While the New Democracy governing party initially followed a “business-as-usual” scenario, comparing the situation with past wildfires under the administration of PASOK (the biggest opposition party), the increasing number of deaths over time rendered any such comparison invalid. In order to regain momentum, the government launched the interpretative repertoire of “asymmetric threat”, which proved instrumental in helping the government to get re-elected. This political discourse lacked any consideration of broad socioeconomic changes in rural areas in Greece which might have contributed substantially to the severity of the disaster. Implications for wildfire policy are discussed.     

Psychosocial and Ergonomic Factors,and Their Relation to Musculoskeletal Complaints in the Swedish Workforce

A random sample of 1 000 subjects (20–65 years old) from the national population of Sweden received a questionnaire; 70% (n = 695) replied, of whom 532 were occupationally active. Female gender, working with neck and/or body bent forward, arms above shoulders, and precision work tasks were predictors of musculoskeletal symptoms. Neck, shoulder, and upper back symptoms were more common in a strained situation at work (high demands, low control) (adjusted odds ratios [adjOR] 2.76, 2.80, and 2.26, respectively). Among females, neck and shoulder symptoms were more common in an iso-strain situation (high demands, low control and low social support) (adjOR 4.43 and 3.69, respectively), and low back symptoms were more common at low social support combined with a passive work situation (adjOR 3.35). No associations were found between iso-strain model and symptoms among males. In conclusion, iso-strain work situation was associated with neck symptoms among females, even when controlling for ergonomic factors.     

产权性质、市场竞争与企业社会责任行为——基于政治寻租视角的分析

无论是古典经济学理论、社会契约理论还是利益相关者理论,似乎都缺乏了一个重要的元素:政府行为以及政治、经济体制的影响,而只是将政府作为一个仅仅取得税收收益的利益相关者纳入我们的分析范畴,忽视了不同政治体制下政府构成了企业生存重要环境的特殊事实,这样的淡化直接影响我们对企业社会责任行为的实然理解。根植于西方社会的传统企业社会责任理论没有过多的考虑政府行为以及政治体制的影响,是基于其自身的制度背景与社会文化,它们是以高度自由的市场经济为基础,政府对经济(企业行为)干预很少,整个政治经济制度更加贴切新古典经济学的假设。而以中国为代表的新兴市场国家,政治经济体制改革和经济转轨使得制度环境对经济运行和企业决策有着重要影响,这为政治经济学理论的运用提供了制度基础,也为从政治经济学角度分析公司社会责任行为提供了研究机会。本文以我国2004年-2011年沪深股市的上市公司为研究样本,基于新政治经济学的寻租理论,研究了我国企业社会责任行为的寻租动机。研究的结果发现:我国企业社会责任行为呈现出明显的寻租倾向,而由于受到二元经济体制割裂的影响,相对于国有企业具有产权联系的先天优势,非国有企业社会责任行为表现出更为强烈的政治寻租倾向。实证研究同时也表明,产品市场竞争越激烈,企业寻租倾向越强。论文的研究构建了我国企业社会责任行为新的分析性框架,拓展了企业社会责任行为研究的相关文献。     

Mobilizing Facebook Users against Facebook's Energy Policy: The Case of Greenpeace Unfriend Coal Campaign

This research analyzes Greenpeace International Unfriend Coal protest campaign against Facebook's energy policy (2010–2011), as a case study in the organization's approach to campaigning on climate change issues. In the context of Greenpeace protest history and social movement research, we focus on the online mobilization tactics used by Greenpeace, and how they differed from previous campaign practices. The findings are based on a content analysis of all statuses posted on the campaign Facebook page (N = 119), and six semi-structured interviews with key Greenpeace personnel. The analysis reveals that Greenpeace used Facebook extensively both for disseminating information and context about the campaign, and as a platform for mobilizing and facilitating broad public engagement. Greenpeace seized the affordances of the Facebook platform and introduced new means of online mobilization and engagement. These e-tactics proved effective for engaging diverse transnational supporters in the campaign. The implications for environmental non-governmental organizations and the broader environmental movement are discussed.     

Economic costs of protecting islands from invasive alien species

Biological invasions represent a key threat to insular systems and have pronounced impacts across environments and economies. The ecological impacts have received substantial focus, but the socioeconomic impacts are poorly synthesized across spatial and temporal scales. We used the InvaCost database, the most comprehensive assessment of published economic costs of invasive species, to assess economic impacts on islands worldwide. We analyzed socioeconomic costs across differing expenditure types and examined temporal trends across islands that differ in their political geography—island nation states, overseas territories, and islands of continental countries. Over US$36 billion in total costs (including damages and management) has occurred on islands from 1965 to 2020 due to invasive species’ impacts. Nation states incurred the greatest total and management costs, and islands of continental countries incurred costs of similar magnitude, both far higher than those in overseas territories. Damage-loss costs were significantly lower, but with qualitatively similar patterns across differing political geographies. The predominance of management spending differs from the pattern found for most countries examined and suggests important knowledge gaps in the extent of many damage-related socioeconomic impacts. Nation states spent the greatest proportion of their gross domestic products countering these costs, at least 1 order of magnitude higher than other locations. Most costs were borne by authorities and stakeholders, demonstrating the key role of governmental and nongovernmental bodies in addressing island invasions. Temporal trends revealed cost increases across all island types, potentially reflecting efforts to tackle invasive species at larger, more socially complex scales. Nevertheless, the already high total economic costs of island invasions substantiate the role of biosecurity in reducing and preventing invasive species arrivals to reduce strains on limited financial resources and avoid threats to sustainable development goals.     

伦理视域下的高校贫困生思想政治教育中人本关怀

高校贫困生思想政治教育人本关怀是贫困生健康成才的基础,是培养贫困生励志精神和感恩意识的客观需要.实现伦理视域下高校贫困生思想政治教育中的人本关怀,必须从认识上理解其伦理意义、内容上突出重点、策略上体现实质.     

Giving a Voice to Posterity – Deliberative Democracy and Representation of Future People

The aim of this paper is to consider whether some seats in a democratically elected legislative assembly ought to be reserved for representatives of future generations. In order to examine this question, I will propose a new democratic model for representing posterity. It is argued that this model has several advantages compared with a model for the democratic representation of future people previously suggested by Andrew Dobson. Nevertheless, the democratic model that I propose confronts at least two difficult problems. First, it faces insoluble problems of representative legitimacy. Second, one might question whether this model provides a reasonably effective way to represent future interests compared with existing representative democratic institutions. Despite such problems, it is argued that political representation of posterity can be defended on the basis of fundamental ideas and ideals in recent theory of deliberative democracy. The first reason for this is that in a number of cases democratic decisions cannot be regarded as normatively legitimate from the point of view of deliberative democracy, unless posterity is given a voice. The second reason is that representation of posterity can contribute to more rational and impartial deliberations and decisions in legislative assemblies.     

FLOOD MANAGEMENT IN THE LOWER INCOMATI RIVER BASIN,MOZAMBIQUE: TWO ALTERNATIVES1

ABSTRACT: The aim of this paper is to compare two views of flood management and thus add to the present thinking of living with floods as opposed to the traditional approach of flood control. The traditional pathway has widely been adopted in developed countries and aims to control floodwaters by means of dams and dikes. The alternative pathway tends towards a policy whereby society lives with the floods by being prepared and having the right damage reduction measures in place. In this paper two pathways are tentatively compared for the Lower Incomati Basin, Mozambique. In the design cultural theory is considered, as is how the design of each path may look according to different management perspectives. The Lower Incomati Basin provides an interesting case study as it is in a relatively undeveloped state. Hence, it is an ideal area for conducting research into the application of alternative flood management strategies. The preliminary results suggest that both pathways are feasible. However, considering recent hydrological extremes such as the 2000 floods, the resilient pathway may ultimately be a more appealing flood management strategy.