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71.
72.
浅析思想政治教育的生态价值 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
李闯 《中国环境管理干部学院学报》2009,19(1):12-15
胡锦涛总书记在十七大报告中指出,“建设生态文明,基本形成节约能源资源和保护生态环境的产业结构、增长方式、消费模式”。这一战略思想对中国的发展具有非常重要的意义。没有生态文明,一切文明就没有了享受的前提。思想政治教育不仅对经济政治文化建设有着重要的作用,而且在生态文明的建设过程中依然有重要的作用。加强思想政治教育生态价值的研究,对于缓解我国人口、环境、资源和能源等方面的压力以及我国生态文明建设,落实科学发展观有十分重大的意义。 相似文献
73.
在对传统室内设计基本观点阐述与理解的基础上分析其整体性、可持续发展,并着重探讨在物质文明和精神文明高度发展的今天,现代室内设计在个性化、自然性、现代性、艺术性等方面发展的新趋势.通过对现代室内设计特点和发展趋势的分析,创造出一个适合人们现代生活的理想空间. 相似文献
74.
75.
常规灭鼠下城市小型兽类生态的初步研究 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
鲍毅新 《城市环境与城市生态》2001,14(5):31-33
为了了解常规灭鼠下城市小型兽类的种类组成和数量季节消长,通过分析浙江省杭州、宁波、绍兴、金华、湖州和萧山等6个城市1997-1999年灭鼠情况和3年的监测数据,结果表明,其种类组成啮齿目的的褐家鼠、黄胸鼠、小家鼠、黑线姬鼠和食虫目的臭QuQing;其中袍家鼠占42.9%、小家鼠32.1%、黄胸鼠10.6%、黑线姬鼠6%、臭QuQing8.3%;这些动物的密度季节变化呈现单峰型或双峰型。每年3-4月和9-10月开展两次灭鼠,能有效地控制小型兽类的密度,但应注意灭鼠药的轮换和灭鼠药的发放形式。 相似文献
76.
通过监测和田地区生态修复项目实施后所取得生态效益的结果表明,生态修复项目实施后,由于项目区风速降低,温度和相对湿度的变化减少,提高了植被盖度,降低了风蚀量,促进了成土作用的进行,从而逐渐改善了土壤的理化性质。 相似文献
77.
A growing body of large-N cross-national studies has identified key predictors of environmental behavior. Adopting a social dilemma perspective, where individuals must choose collective over self-interest to act pro-environmentally, integrated national datasets for 30 countries are used to examine the effects of generalized trust, trust in government, leftism, and post-materialism on three types of environmental behavior (intended action, informal action, and formal action). At the individual level, all predictors but institutional trust have significant positive effects on each type of behavior. Institutional trust is associated with greater willingness to make economic sacrifice for the environment and with less frequent informal environmental behavior, but it is unrelated to formal behavior. However, at the country level, the effect of trust is limited to intended behavior and depends on the type of trust. Individuals in countries with higher generalized trust averages are less willing to sacrifice for the environment, and those in countries with higher averages of institutional trust are more willing to do so. 相似文献
78.
Stefan Linde 《环境政策》2018,27(2):228-246
By creating attitudinal rifts among partisan voters, political polarization is expected to negatively affect chances of effectively mitigating climate change. While such expectations generally have found support, less attention has been paid to the opposite claim that political consensus should eliminate the partisan dimension in climate change politics. This study tests this claim by studying how party identification, and party cues specifically, affects public policy attitudes in a context defined by political consensus. Using data from a large online access panel in Sweden, party identification and party cues are shown to matter for policy attitudes even in a consensus context. This effect is not limited to certain issues but is found across a wide range of policies, and the effect of party cues, for a given issue, varies across parties. The implications of this study and areas for future work are discussed. 相似文献
79.
Despite the increased importance of and attention to renewable energy, its share in the overall energy mix has varied significantly across countries and over time. There are many determinants of clean energy transitions; this study focuses on political constraints. Here it is argued that political systems that have fewer political constraints have fewer access points through which powerful status quo veto players can slow the progress of clean energy reforms. To test the theory, a hierarchical model is applied on a dataset of 125 countries over four decades. The results provide significant support for the theory. Furthermore, the effects for political constraints hold even when we distinguish between hydro and non-hydro renewable sources and control for regime type. This study builds on research that recognizes the importance of politics in understanding the challenges and opportunities of clean energy reform. 相似文献
80.
Natural hazards affect development and can cause significant and long-term suffering for those affected. Research has shown that sustained long-term disaster preparedness combined with appropriate response and recovery are needed to deliver effective risk reductions. However, as the newly agreed Sendai framework recognises, this knowledge has not been translated into action. This research aims to contribute to our understanding of how to deliver longer term and sustained risk reduction by evaluating the role of political decentralisation in disaster outcomes. Specifically, we investigate whether countries which devolve power to the local level experience reduced numbers of people affected by storms and earthquakes, and have lower economic damage. Using regression analysis and cross-country data from 1950 to 2006, we find that, in relation to both storms and earthquakes, greater transfers of political power to subnational tiers of government reduce hazard impacts on the population. The downside is that more politically decentralised countries, which are usually wealthier countries, can increase the direct economic losses associated with a natural hazard impact after the storm or earthquake than those which are more centralised. However, overall, it seems advantageous to give subnational governments more authority and autonomy in storm and earthquake risk planning. 相似文献