企业需要建立人性化的安全管理

由于我国对企业特别是海外来大陆投资的企业，缺乏严格的安全管理手段，致使不少企业屡次出现安全事故。为了减少企业安全事故的发生，提高企业安全度，要求企业在贯彻“安全第一，预防为主”的基本方针的基础上。建立“以人为本。以制度和伦理道德为约束的人性化的安全管理系统”。本文给出了该系统的模型，并对此模型进行了分析和解释，探讨了相关的几个理论基础，最后给出了人性化安全管理的实质。通过该系统的管理执行，使企业在尊重人权、尊重生命的前提下发展壮大，最终实现安全的全球化。     

新时期区域公共管理创新

信息社会发展与全球化趋势，出现了区域集群、区域竞争、区域创新、学习区域等新特征，给区域管理者带来了新的挑战。区域发展需要创新，区域公共管理同样需要创新。本文从新公共管理、区域创新系统、区域核心竞争力、支持系统等方面对区域管理创新进行了探讨。     

经济全球化背景下中国环境问题及应对策略

文章从经济全球化的定义出发,论述了全球化使中国环境问题变成了世界的环境问题,因为中国的环境问题是由世界造成的,同时中国的环境问题也影响到世界.要从根本上解决中国环境问题,必须树立科学发展观,促进创新型国家的建设,重视对外贸易中的环境问题,严防国外环境污染向国内转移.     

城市可持续性:欧洲城市改造的经验与启示

全球化和城市化使得世界城市发展面临着严重的生态环境问题与挑战,城市可持续性是解决这些问题的根本出路.本文利用欧洲城市改造的案例对城市可持续性进行了分析和研究,通过城市可持续性的原则、特点和影响因素分析,重点讨论了欧洲地方环境行动计划,以及项目特点、预算来源、战略目标、管理形式和行动计划与方案,指出切实可行的行动计划、普遍的公众参与、充足的资金来源、相关利益人的协作体、信息技术应用是城市可持续性和竞争力提升的根本保证.     

论上海全球城市建设

全球化正在导致城市与区域的空间重构。伴随世界经济增长重心向亚太地区转移,产生新的全球城市将成为亚太地区城市发展的特征之一。中国正成为东亚地区增长最快、经济最具活力的地区之一,上海则极有希望崛起成为一个重要的全球城市。首先总结了全球城市的特征,并简要从国际资本流、国际贸易、跨国公司总部、金融业及高级生产者服务业、国际交通通讯信息平台等方面分析得出上海已具全球城市雏形,同时也指出了其与主要全球城市的差距;在此基础上,阐述了上海为建设全球城市而必须进行的调整与转型,主要包括产业结构重构和转移、社会结构转型、城市空间扩展等方面;最后提出了上海全球城市的建设目标,即建成全球制造业管理中心、全球交通中心、全球交易中心。     

全球化背景下长江三角洲巨型工程建设研究

全球化是影响城市和区域发展的重要因素。长江三角洲地区既是中国社会经济资源最密集的地区,又是中国在全球化过程中较早融入世界经济的重要区域。在全球化进程不断加速的背景下,长江三角洲地区必须通过区域整合发展提升其在全球竞争体系中的地位。巨型工程作为全球化和区域一体化的支撑体系,越来越多地出现在长江三角洲地区,已经成为城市和区域建设的重要内容。在介绍巨型工程概念的基础上,从实证分析的角度出发,总结分析长三角地区城市开发、形象塑造等巨型工程的发展以及包括机场、港口、快速轨道和高速公路的综合交通体系的建设布局,并提出了部分规划设想。最后,集中探讨了巨型工程对长江三角洲地区全球化进程的重要影响。     

基于机制设计理论的环境政策初探

机制设计理论是研究在市场失灵的情况下,如何设计一套机制达到既定社会目标的理论。而环境问题的特殊性质使得单纯依靠市场无法合理有效的解决环境问题,这就需要机制设计这一理论的指导。基于机制设计理论的原理,已探索出很多环境政策,有效的预防并解决了污染问题,使公众利益与社会的总体利益达到了“激励相容”。本文在以排污税、排污权交易等环境政策的设计为例,探讨了机制设计理论在环境政策制定中的应用,同时分析了机制设计理论存在的问题,指出在经济全球化的背景下,依靠机制设计理论解决环境问题遇到的瓶颈,提出了利用机制设计理论制定环境政策未来的可能方向和着力点。     

Heterogeneous and unconventional coalitions around global food risks: integrating Brazil into the debates

Current debates about food-borne risks (GMOs and BSE) have not only deepened public concern about how food is produced on farms, processed in factories, and transported, stored and traded. More importantly, these debates have exposed a crisis related to central social issues, such as the role of science, politics and business corporations in the decision-making processes for determining which risks societies should, or are prepared to, assume. In this article, I discuss how cultural and social constructivist studies of environmental and health risks and Ulrich Beck's theory of world risk society can contribute to the analysis of how to deal with these conflicts. The criticism of quantitative methods of risk analysis has resulted in a certain idealization of the lay knowledge of risks as being intuitively more correct than the scientific one. One consequence of this polarization between expert and lay knowledge—idealizing the latter—is a disappointing vagueness when looking for alternatives on how to deal practically with risks that have important consequences. A key obstacle to the implementation of some of the suggestions presented by the critical risk analysis approach is that, for example, in the current global dynamics of food-borne risks we can find heterogeneous alliances for and against GMOs allying lay people and experts, as well as conventional and unconventional social actors, in a complicated manner, at the regional, national and international levels. Since a significant part of the analysis of manufactured risks focuses on the situation of highly industrialized countries, a more complex perspective of these lay and scientific alliances can be obtained from a more extensive study of the reactions surrounding GMOs and BSE in less-industrialized countries, such as Brazil. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

马克思恩格斯经济全球化理论浅析

马克思、思格斯早在19世纪40年代已经前瞻性地论述了经济全球化的思想,他们认为:资产阶级的资本是经济全球化的主体和内在动力,经济全球化的实质是资本的全球化;经济全球化的原因是生产力的发展和技术的进步;经济全球化的趋势是全球社会主义。马克思主义的经济全球化理论为研究当代经济全球化的原因、特征、发展趋势及其对当今世界的影响有着重要意义。     

Did Child Restraint Laws Globally Converge? Examining 40 Years of Policy Diffusion

Objective: The objective of the current study is to determine what factors have been associated with the global adoption of mandatory child restraint laws (ChRLs) since 1975.

Methods: In order to determine what factors explained the global adoption of mandatory ChRLs, Weibull models were analyzed. To carry out this analysis, 170 countries were considered and the time risk corresponded to 5,146 observations for the period 1957–2013. The dependent variable was first time to adopt a ChRL. Independent variables representing global factors were the World Health Organization (WHO) and World Bank's (WB) road safety global campaign; the Geneva Convention on Road Traffic; and the United Nation's (UN) 1958 Vehicle Agreement. Independent variables representing regional factors were the creation of the European Transport Safety Council and being a Commonwealth country. Independent variables representing national factors were population; gross domestic product (GDP) per capita; political violence; existence of road safety nongovernmental organizations (NGOs); and existence of road safety agencies. Urbanization served as a control variable. To examine regional dynamics, Weibull models for Africa, Asia, Europe, North America, Latin America, the Caribbean, and the Commonwealth were also carried out.

Results: Empirical estimates from full Weibull models suggest that 2 global factors and 2 national factors are significantly associated with the adoption of this measure. The global factors explaining adoption are the WHO and WB's road safety global campaign implemented after 2004 (P <.01), and the UN's 1958 Vehicle Agreement (P <.001). National factors were GDP (P <.01) and existence of road safety agencies (P <.05). The time parameter ρ for the full Weibull model was 1.425 (P <.001), suggesting that the likelihood of ChRL adoption increased over the observed period of time, confirming that the diffusion of this policy was global. Regional analysis showed that the UN's Convention on Road Traffic was significant in Asia, the creation of the European Transport Safety Council was significant in Europe and North America, and the global campaign was in Africa. In Commonwealth and European and North American countries, the existence of road safety agencies was also positively associated with ChRL adoption.

Conclusions: Results of the world models suggest that the WHO and WB's global road safety campaign was effective in disseminating ChRLs after 2004. Furthermore, regions such as Asia and Europe and North America were early adopters since specific regional and national characteristics anticipated the introduction of this policy before 2004. In this particular case, the creation of the European Transport Safety Council was fundamental in promoting ChRLs. Thus, in order to introduce conditions to more rapidly diffuse road safety measures across lagging regions, the maintenance of global efforts and the creation of road safety regional organizations should be encouraged. Lastly, the case of ChRL convergence illustrates how mechanisms of global and regional diffusion need to be analytically differentiated in order better to assess the process of policy diffusion.