Climate voting in the US Congress: the power of public concern

In the United States, few constituents know and understand climate policy, prioritize it as a political topic, or let their voting decisions depend on it. In these conditions, representatives would not be expected to pay heed to constituents’ climate concern in their voting decisions. Still, even after controlling for the presence of interest groups, campaign finance, and legislators’ party affiliation and ideology, there is a consistent link between public opinion and votes on cap-and-trade legislation in the House (and to a lesser degree in the Senate). The same is true when public opinion is simulated based on pre-vote district characteristics. Explanations for these findings are discussed.     

新形势下环境质量综合分析思路探讨

随着中国共产党第十九次全国代表大会的顺利召开,环保"大部制"改革、环境监测垂直管理制度改革以及国家"大气十条""水十条""土十条"的全面实施均对生态环境保护、环境监测乃至环境质量综合分析工作提出了新要求。新形势下,环境质量综合分析应与时俱进、开拓创新,进一步优化工作机制,加强系统分析,增强综合分析报告的科学性、规范性、时效性、精准性、客观性等,强化技术与能力支撑,更好发挥环境监测对环境管理和决策的引领作用。     

Chilean congressional politics under President Lagos: environment and politics in Chile 2000–2006

Little is known about the legislative process and in particular how this relates to environment in Latin America. This article attemps to partially close this gap by discussing the dynamics of congressional environmental politics in Chile under former President Lagos (2000–2006). At first, this article discusses the role of the executive branch in the legislative process, congressional authority and environmental policy. This sometimes uneasy relationship is explored, and its consequences over environmental politics are discussed. The second part of the article attempts to explain legislator's choices in the area of environmental policy, developing and testing four main hypotheses that eventually help to explain why legislators support/reject laws of positive/negative environmental relevance. Finally, this article draws general conclusions on Chilean congressional politics and environmental policy, to then propose some recommendations on how to improve the process of creating environmental policy in Congress.     

新发展阶段我国企业水信息披露评价研究

推动绿色发展,促进人与自然和谐共生是我国社会主义建设新时期的重点方向与方略。绿水青山就是金山银山,水信息披露作为治理企业水污染的首要环节、重要手段,在国内还未充分引起企业与有关部门的重视。本文通过构建中国上市公司水信息披露指标体系,弥补了我国多年来在水信息披露评价体系中的不足。基于该指标体系,结合三维度打分法、层次分析法和内容分析法,本研究人工搜集整理既往企业水信息并从披露整体情况、披露水平以及披露内容三个方面分析了我国上市企业水信息披露现状。结果表明,现阶段我国企业水信息披露还存在披露程度低、披露差异明显、披露内容可靠性不强等问题,其根源来自政府政策滞后、社会面监督不充分、企业战略缺失等因素。为此,本文从健全水信息披露框架、完善法律制度、落实法律监督、建立新闻发布制度、引导金融机构参与等方面为推动企业水信息披露提供建议。     

西部某气田井场分离器液相管线法兰腐蚀原因分析

目的 解决西部某气田井场分离器液相出口管线法兰严重腐蚀问题。方法 通过宏观形貌观察、无损检测、化学成分分析、金相组织分析、力学性能测试、腐蚀区域微观形貌观察、腐蚀产物物相分析以及腐蚀电化学实验的方法,分析该法兰发生腐蚀的原因。结果 A105制法兰与316L制密封圈存在较强的电偶腐蚀倾向。结论 电偶腐蚀是导致法兰面严重腐蚀的主要原因,另外,液相管线停用前放空不彻底,法兰底部存在积液,导致气液界面位置叠加发生水线腐蚀。根据法兰腐蚀原因提出了针对性的防腐建议。     

政府环境报告基层实施:现状、问题及其对策

政府环境报告基层实施是利用县级人大与公众直接联系的"基层"优势加强对政府环境责任监督的有效手段。实践中,报告主体及对象级别各异,报告内容繁简不一,总体情况为越是基层贯彻实施政府环境报告的力度越弱,存在报告形式不明确、信息公开不到位、常态化监督机制和政府责任缺失等问题。因此,必须在认清立法目的的基础上合理运用法律解释明确报告的法律属性,规范报告内容、扩大公开范围,利用"基层"优势与公众加强联系,并在准确定位环保法的前提下构建人大监督的刚性约束。     

发挥人大建议政协提案在环保工作中作用研究--以大连为例

与环保相关的人大建议政协提案能够表达公众的环保诉求,推动地方环保立法、指导环境保护工作。是公众参与环保、监督环保的重要途径。论文以大连市办理建议提案经验为例,对如何发挥人大建议政协提案在环境保护工作中起到的作用进行了阐述。     

Bolder science needed now for protected areas

Recognizing that protected areas (PAs) are essential for effective biodiversity conservation action, the Convention on Biological Diversity established ambitious PA targets as part of the 2020 Strategic Plan for Biodiversity. Under the strategic goal to “improve the status of biodiversity by safeguarding ecosystems, species, and genetic diversity,” Target 11 aims to put 17% of terrestrial and 10% of marine regions under PA status by 2020. Additionally and crucially, these areas are required to be of particular importance for biodiversity and ecosystem services, effectively and equitably managed, ecologically representative, and well‐connected and to include “other effective area‐based conservation measures” (OECMs). Whereas the area‐based targets are explicit and measurable, the lack of guidance for what constitutes important and representative; effective; and OECMs is affecting how nations are implementing the target. There is a real risk that Target 11 may be achieved in terms of area while failing the overall strategic goal for which it is established because the areas are poorly located, inadequately managed, or based on unjustifiable inclusion of OECMs. We argue that the conservation science community can help establish ecologically sensible PA targets to help prioritize important biodiversity areas and achieve ecological representation; identify clear, comparable performance metrics of ecological effectiveness so progress toward these targets can be assessed; and identify metrics and report on the contribution OECMs make toward the target. By providing ecologically sensible targets and new performance metrics for measuring the effectiveness of both PAs and OECMs, the science community can actively ensure that the achievement of the required area in Target 11 is not simply an end in itself but generates genuine benefits for biodiversity.     

Environmental politics in post-World War II America

America has always had to confront environmental problems, but it wasn't until after World War II that most Americans began to develop the kind of consciousness about environmental issues that has played such a role in domestic politics over the past quarter century. After the surge of post war growth, we began to recognize the limits of our ability to exploit our environment for private gain, thus creating environmental awareness and ultimately a political movement. In 1970, President Nixon created the Environmental Protection Agency, and appointed William Ruckelshaus as Director. Ruckelshaus was succeeded by Russell Train and Douglas Coste, and all three men began to make serious headway in the effort to clean up the nation's environment. In 1980, however, President Ronald Reagan, taking an anti-Federal government involvement in the private sector stance, began to seriously cut the budget of the EPA. He appointed Ann Gorsuch, who cut the budget as she believed the President wished, but her poor relationship with the Congress eventually forced her to resign. President Reagan requested that Bill Ruckelshaus return, and EPA has been blessed with good leadership ever since. During the Bush years, EPA director William Reilly even managed to pass sweeping acid rain control legislation. When Bill Clinton was elected President in 1992, he did not possess a strong environmental record, however his running mate, Al Gore, most certainly did. EPA administrator Carole Browner, in fact, was a former Gore staffer and the White House environmental office is led by former Gore people. Clinton and Gore have attempted to bring a degree of flexibility to environmental regulation, and have also involved themselves personally in resolving environmental disputes. For instance, they and Secretary of the Interior Bruce Babbit worked to fashion a long-term plan for the Florida Everglades that helped warring groups and interests come to consensus. With the 1994 Republican victory in the Congressional elections, it appeared that the environment may once again be in danger, as the Contract with America pledged to reduce or eliminate environmental controls. Popular opinion, however, caused the Congress to change their views and even directed them to pass environmental legislation that has won the support of both the business and environmental protection sectors. These developments have displayed that Americans care deeply about the environment and provide the basis for a genuine bipartisan consensus on environmental issues which will increasingly emphasize thoughtful and effective technological solutions in the future. Although the benefits of this legislation have been drastic, we are now dealing with problems requiring more subtle and sophisticated answers than we needed in the past. Because of this, political leaders will look to the classrooms and laboratories to produce the answers to the environmental problems of the future, and in turn will be willing to support educators and researchers with resources and political clout. Neither the politicians nor the business community can solve these problems without a close working relationship with the world of environmental and biotechnology. Building that collaborative relationship is one of the most important challenges we face as we approach the 21st century. It is also, particularly for those of us who have been laboring in the environmental vineyard for years, one of the most exciting.     

Prolepsis and the Environmental Rhetoric of Congressional Politics: Defeating the Climate Stewardship Act of 2003

As a device of argumentative anticipation, prolepsis use generally is considered a positive rhetorical strategy. Turning to the Climate Stewardship Act (CSA) of 2003, this article contributes to our understanding of environmental communication, political argumentation, and rhetorical theory by examining how proleptic miscalculation can actually produce devastating consequences against one's cause when used as a source of invention. Proponents of the CSA relied on creating proleptic arguments grounded in a scientific understanding of climate change to such an extent that they mistakenly downplayed the economic arguments against the Act. This orchestrated miscalculation was encouraged and strengthened by key US senators. This article concludes by discussing contributions to scholarly understanding of prolepsis use in public policymaking and offers practical suggestions for improving communication in future considerations of environmental legislation.