Ethnicity and hazard information dissemination

Citizens from two communities were questioned regarding the sources from which they have previously obtained information about environmental hazards and their preferences for different communication channels. Three ethnic groups—whites, blacks, and Mexican-Americans—were represented among those questioned. While all three ethnic groups described similar patterns of past information receipt, it was found that Mexican-Americans obtained more information through social network contacts than whites or blacks. Ethnic differentials emerged when citizens were asked about preferred sources for information receipt. While radio was identified as desirable by all three groups, only minority citizens expressed a preference for local television as a dissemination mode and only Mexican-Americans favored neighborhood meetings. Mailed dissemination and newspapers were preferred primarily by whites and blacks. The implications of the results for the conduct of hazard information dissemination are examined.     

Human geography of New Orleans’ high-lead geochemical setting

Previous soil lead studies in New Orleans focused on the geochemical footprint and its health impacts. This study examines the human geography of race, income, and age in pre-Katrina metropolitan New Orleans within the context of lead accumulation in soils. Sample points of soil lead data (n = 5,467) collected in 1998–2000 were mapped in a geographic information system (GIS), binned into 9 ranges, and queried by (1) 2000 Census racial demographic data, (2) 1999 median household income, and (3) 2000 age data. The absolute population generally declines as lead levels increase except at lead levels from 200–400 to 400–1,000 mg/kg when population increases; the African–American population comprises a disproportionate share of this cohort. The high-lead areas occur in the inner city, home to the largest populations of African-Americans in New Orleans. The mean household income curve indicates that lower economic groups are at risk to higher levels of lead. A total of 44,701 children under the age of 5 years, plus 123,579 children aged 5–17, lived in census block groups containing at least one sample point with over 100 mg/kg lead, and these include 23,124 and 64,064 young people, respectively, who live near at least one point over 400 mg/kg. Lead exposure affects a panoply of outcomes that influence the health and welfare of the community. Unless corrected, children are likely to return to the same or, because of lack of lead-safe practices during renovation, even higher exposure risks than before the flooding of New Orleans.     

Unintentional injury deaths in children and youth, 2010–2019

Background: Unintentional injuries are the leading cause of death for children and youth aged 1–19 in the United States. The purpose of this report is to describe how unintentional injury death rates among children and youth aged 0–19 years have changed during 2010–2019. Method: CDC analyzed 2010–2019 data from the National Vital Statistics System (NVSS) to determine two-year average annual number and rate of unintentional injury deaths for children and youth aged 0–19 years by sex, age group, race/ethnicity, mechanism, county urbanization level, and state. Results: From 2010–2011 to 2018–2019, unintentional injury death rates decreased 11% overall—representing over 1,100 fewer annual deaths. However, rates increased among some groups—including an increase in deaths due to suffocation among infants (20%) and increases in motor-vehicle traffic deaths among Black children (9%) and poisoning deaths among Black (37%) and Hispanic (50%) children. In 2018–2019, rates were higher for males than females (11.3 vs. 6.6 per 100,000 population), children aged < 1 and 15–19 years (31.9 and 16.8 per 100,000) than other age groups, among American Indian or Alaska Native (AIAN) and Blacks than Whites (19.4 and 12.4 vs. 9.0 per 100,000), motor-vehicle traffic (MVT) than other causes of injury (4.0 per 100,000), and rates increased as rurality increased (6.8 most urban [large central metro] vs. 17.8 most rural [non-core/non-metro] per 100,000). From 2010–2011 to 2018–2019, 49 states plus DC had stable or decreasing unintentional injury death rates; death rates increased only in California (8%)—driven by poisoning deaths. Conclusion and Practical Application: While the overall injury death rates improved, certain subgroups and their caregivers can benefit from focused prevention strategies, including infants and Black, Hispanic, and AIAN children. Focusing effective strategies to reduce suffocation, MVT, and poisoning deaths among those at disproportionate risk could further reduce unintentional injury deaths among children and youth in the next decade.     

Racial disparities in parent knowledge of concussion and recognition of signs and symptoms

Introduction: Concussion is a type of traumatic brain injury that can be sustained through participation in different sports. It is important that a parent be able to identify common and uncommon symptoms of a concussion to ensure the safety and good health of their child. The purpose of this study was to compare knowledge of concussion scores among White and African American parents and guardians. Methodology: This cross-sectional study consisted of a single survey of 53 questions that was given to parents/guardians of high school athletes at a preseason parent meeting. Parent and guardian knowledge of concussion was assessed through a series of 45 questions. Participants were asked to correctly identify signs and symptoms of concussion, answer questions regarding the anatomy of a concussion (i.e. a concussion is an injury to the brain), answer true/false questions about general concussion knowledge, select from a list the consequences of multiple concussions and select from a list the consequences of returning to play too soon from a concussion. Knowledge of concussion was calculated by summing correct responses for the 45 knowledge questions. Racial differences were calculated using an ANCOVA, controlling for socioeconomic school type. The statistical significance level was set a priori p ≤ 0.05 for all analyses. Results: Participants of this study consisted of 176 [115 (65.3%) White, 61 (34.7%) African American] parents/guardians of high school athletes. Significant differences in knowledge of concussion scores between White parents/guardians [38.50 ± 4.55 (85.6% correct)], and African American parents/guardians [35.15 ± 4.97, 78.1% correct)] were identified (F_(1,172) = 4.82, p = 0.03). Conclusion: Knowledge of concussion disparities exist between African American and White parents/guardians. This disparity could cause complications from concussion to surface among children and adolescents participating in sport as their parents/guardians may not be able to correctly identify the signs and symptoms in order to seek proper medical care. Practical Application: Findings from this study highlight quantitative differences in concussion knowledge of parents from different demographics. These findings underline disparities and inequities in access to concussion-health resources that need to be addressed.     

Not so Black and White: environmental justice and cumulative impact assessments

A growing number of scientific studies in recent years have investigated disparate exposure to ecological hazards in American society. Working from an environmental justice perspective, this body of research consistently reveals that poor communities of color are most likely to bear a disproportionate burden of negative externalities. These studies utilize a wide range of research methodologies, including various indicators of ecological hazards (e.g., proximity to waste sites, industrial emissions, ambient air quality), but few, if any, utilize composite measures to approximate cumulative environmental impact. Consequently, the environmental justice (EJ) literature is characterized by a failure to effectively measure overall impact from an extensive range of ecological hazards. Limitations on available data make this a serious problem for present and future studies. We argue that cumulative measures of environmental impact can play an important role in furthering our understanding of environmental injustices in the United States. In this study of Massachusetts, we develop and implement such a cumulative measure of negative environmental impacts. By controlling for the density and severity of ecological hazardous sites and facilities within every community in the state, we demonstrate that exposure patterns take a generally linear distribution when analyzed by race and class. So, while our results reaffirm previous findings that low-income communities and communities of color bear significantly greater ecological burdens than predominantly White and more affluent communities, our findings also suggest that environmental injustices exist on a remarkably consistent continuum for nearly all communities. In other words, as the minority population and lower-income composition of a community increases, correspondingly, so does cumulative exposure to environmental hazards. In this respect, communities which are more racially mixed and of moderate income status that are not typically identified as meeting EJ criteria (in demographic terms) also face more significant ecological hazards. Thus, the strict bifurcation of communities into categories of Environmental Justice and Non-Environmental Justice is problematic, and poses a serious dilemma for policy makers, public health officials, and community activists. To overcome this challenge requires the adoption of a cumulative environmental justice impact assessment (CEJIA), which in addition to the demographic characteristics of a community, also takes into account the total environmental burden and related health impacts upon residents. Furthermore, through the adoption of the precautionary principle, source reduction, and alternative forms of “cleaner” production, environmental justice advocates must work for policies which reduce the environmental threat for the full range of communities, as well as their own.     

Gasoline prices and traffic safety in Mississippi

Problem

Limited literature suggests that gasoline prices have substantial effects on reducing fatal crashes. However, the literature focuses only on fatal crashes and does not examine the effects on all traffic crashes.

Methods

Mississippi traffic crash data from April 2004–December 2008 from the Mississippi Highway Patrol and regular-grade unleaded gasoline price data from the Energy Information Administration of the U.S. Department of Energy were used to investigate the effects of gasoline prices on traffic safety by age, gender, and race.

Results

Gasoline prices have both short-term and intermediate-term effects on reducing total traffic crashes and crashes of females, whites, and blacks. The intermediate-term effects are generally stronger than the short-term effects. Gasoline prices also have short-term effects on reducing crashes of younger drivers and intermediate-term effects on older drivers and male drivers.

Impact on Industry

Higher gasoline taxes reduce traffic crashes and may result in additional societal benefits.     

An inequality study of ambient nitrogen dioxide and traffic levels near elementary schools in the Tampa area

Environmental equity has been identified as a challenge and goal of national to global air quality management. Here, relationships between traffic-related air pollution measures and the social demographics of elementary schools are investigated. Ogawa passive samplers were used to measure ambient nitrogen dioxide (NO(2)) levels near 75 randomly selected elementary schools in the county containing Tampa, FL over one week in March 2008. Concentrations were determined using colorimetric reaction using Hach nitrite reagent and photometric detection at 545 nm. NO(2) levels, two metrics of traffic (highest annual average daily traffic count within 500 m and 1000 m), and school enrollment data by demographic subgroup (racial/ethnic and socioeconomic) were then compared. Data were analyzed for distribution statistics, linear correlations, and differences in subgroup category means. Weighted average values of NO(2) and traffic count were also calculated for each subgroup. All measured NO(2) levels were low, with a mean of 2.7 ppbv and range from 0.8 to 4.7 ppbv. Values were largest at sites near downtown. Results from all analyses show comparatively higher potential exposures to measured NO(2) and traffic count for black school children, and lower values for white and Asian or Pacific Islander school children. The economically disadvantaged and Hispanic subgroups were also associated with higher levels of NO(2) and traffic counts, but the relationship was not as strong or robust. Although measured NO(2) levels were low and the differences between groups are small, results suggest disparities by racial/ethnic and economic status in children's exposures to air pollution for the Tampa area.