Migration and animal husbandry: Competing or complementary livelihood strategies.Evidence from Kyrgyzstan

Animal husbandry and labour migration are important livelihood strategies for a large proportion of the rural population in developing countries. Up to now, the two strategies have usually been studied by looking at either one or the other; their interlinkages have rarely been examined. Based on a case study in rural Kyrgyzstan, the aim of this paper is to explore the links between animal husbandry and labour migration. Results show that for most rural households, livestock is crucial yet not sufficient to make a living. Therefore, many people diversify their income sources by migrating to work elsewhere. This generates cash for daily expenses and the acquisition of new livestock, but also leads to an absence of workforce in households. Yet since remittances usually exceed the expenses for hiring additional workforce, most people consider migration profitable. From a socio‐economic point of view, migration and animal husbandry can thus be considered important complementary livelihood strategies for the rural Kyrgyz population, at least for the time being. In the long term, however, the failure of young migrants to return to rural places and their settlement in urban areas might also cause remittance dependency and lead to an increasing lack of qualified labour. From an environmental point of view, the investment of remittances into animal husbandry poses challenges to sustainable pasture management. Increasing livestock numbers in rural areas raise pressure on pasture resources. Since most people consider animal husbandry their main future prospect while continuing to use pastures in a fairly unsustainable way, this may further exacerbate the over‐utilization of pastures in future.     

Remittances and their economic impact in post-war Somaliland

This paper examines the role of remittances, provided by a large global diaspora of migrant workers and refugees, in post-war Somaliland. Based on field-work conducted in Somaliland under the COPE project in 1998/9, the paper discusses trends in the size, source, means of transfer, distribution and use of remittances, their role in livelihoods and in the country's economic recovery and future prospects. The total value of remittances, originating mainly from migrant labour in the Gulf and more recently an exodus of refugees to the West, and greatly facilitated by the growth of telecommunications in Somaliland and of remittance agencies, is estimated at some US$500 million annually--around four times the value of livestock exports and much more significant than hitherto appreciated. Contrary to the prevailing view that remittances are mainly used for consumption and unproductive investments such as housing and land, this study suggests that in Somaliland they have contributed to the rapid growth of a vibrant private sector. On the other hand, remittance flows have been associated with a number of negative side-effects such as the loss of the country's most educated and skilled labour, increased income inequality and booming sector effects, and their positive impact is limited by the present lack of credit schemes and facilities for saving.     

Remittances as aid following major sudden‐onset natural disasters

There is a general assumption, based on macroeconomic studies, that remittances will rise following major sudden‐onset natural disasters. This is confirmed by a few assessments involving country‐specific research, and usually short‐term data. This study, questioning conventional wisdom, reviewed and graphed annual and quarterly remittance flows using International Monetary Fund and World Bank data from 2000–14 for 12 countries that confronted 18 major natural disasters. It found that, regardless of event type, annual remittances rose steadily from 2000–14 except for after the 2008–09 financial crisis. Post disaster, there was a quarterly increase in the majority of cases (confirming previous research) but there was seldom an annual increase in the year of the disaster greater than the average annual increase in 2000–14. It appears that remittance senders rush to provide assistance after a natural disaster, but since their own financial situation has not changed, the immediate increase is compensated by a later decrease.     

Formal and informal material aid following the 2010 Haiti earthquake as reported by camp dwellers

Following the 2010 Haiti earthquake, more than two million people moved to temporary camps, most of which arose spontaneously in the days after the earthquake. This study focuses on the material assistance people in five Port‐au‐Prince camps reported receiving, noting the differences between assistance from formal aid agencies and from ‘informal’ sources such as family. Seven weeks after the earthquake, 32% of camp dwellers reported receiving no assistance whatsoever; 55% had received formal aid, typically a tent or tarpaulins; and 40% had received informal aid, usually in the form of cash transfers from family living abroad. While people were grateful for any material aid, cash was more frequently considered timely and more effective than aid‐in‐kind. Should this study be indicative of the greater displaced population, aid agencies should consider how they might make better use of cash transfers as an aid modality.