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1.
V Pupavac 《Disasters》2001,25(4):358-372
This paper critically analyses the significance of psycho-social intervention as a new form of international therapeutic governance based on social risk management. First, the paper examines the international psycho-social model and its origins in an Anglo-American therapeutic ethos. Second, the paper argues that psycho-social approaches jeopardise local coping strategies. Third, the paper highlights the potential political, social and psychological consequences of the pathologisation of war-affected societies. Finally the paper concludes that therapeutic governance represents the reduction of politics to administration.  相似文献   

2.
Putting Children First   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
MURRAY LAST 《Disasters》1994,18(3):192-202
Save the Children Fund in 1923 and UNICEF in 1990 both declared that children must come first in receiving relief. Whereas SCF's call was a corporate credo for the world, for use whenever disaster struck, UNICEF's was offered as a strategic policy document applicable at all times. In contrast, the 1989 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, as a legally-binding document in the field of human rights, omitted all reference to giving such priority to children. The reason for transforming the original credo is that the principle of 'children first', if it includes every child and is to be applied literally in the field, is not only impracticable but unacceptable in many cultures. The social value of a particular child's life — or of human life generally — is simply not an absolute, in all circumstances, in all cultures.  相似文献   

3.
The Sphere Project (consisting of both the Humanitarian Charter and Minimum Standards for Disaster Response) has made prominent contributions to the debates, thinking and work on the quality of assistance and accountability of aid agencies. However, since its inception in 1997, several agencies expressed concerns regarding Sphere's approach, many of which were confirmed by the Sphere evaluation (2002/3). The present article restates these concerns, and addresses more fundamental issues regarding Sphere's cornerstone. It questions the validity of Sphere's rights-based approach, which consists of a tenuous link between the rights of affected populations and standards for technical interventions. Sphere is founded on "the right to assistance", although this right does not exist in international law. Its elaboration would entail solving several complex legal and political issues, which Sphere fails to address. This article also questions the validity and usefulness of universal standards for technical performance in helping relief agencies provide adapted assistance to disaster-affected populations, in line with their mandates and principles. It suggests that Sphere's approach and content largely reflect the concerns, priorities and values of technical professionals in Northern agencies, leaving limited space to genuine "participation" by affected populations and partners from the South.  相似文献   

4.
Ethical Codes in Humanitarian Emergencies: From Practice to Research?   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Black R 《Disasters》2003,27(2):95-108
Notable strides have been made in recent years to develop codes of conduct for humanitarian intervention in conflicts on the part of international NGOs and UN organisations. Yet engagement by the academic and broader research communities with humanitarian crises and ongoing complex political emergencies remains relatively ad hoc and unregulated beyond the basic ethical guidelines and norms developed within universities for research in general, and within the governing and representative bodies of particular academic disciplines. This paper draws on a case study of research on humanitarian assistance to Liberia during that country's civil war from 1989 to 1996. The difficulties faced by humanitarian agencies in Liberia led to the development of two key sets of ethical guidelines for humanitarian intervention: the Joint Policy of Operations (JPO) and Principles and Policies of Humanitarian Operations (PPHO). This paper seeks to address what lessons, if any, these ethical guidelines, together with different experiences of conducting research in war-torn Liberia, can provide in terms of the role of academic researchers--and research itself--in humanitarian crises.  相似文献   

5.
Naomi Hossain 《Disasters》2018,42(1):187-203
The devastating Bhola cyclone in November 1970 is credited with having triggered the political events that led to the division of Pakistan and the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. A callous response to the disaster by the Pakistani regime resulted in a landslide electoral victory for Bengali nationalists, followed by a bitter and bloody civil war. Yet, despite its political momentousness, the Bhola cyclone has been the subject of little political analysis. This paper examines the events, arguing that its extraordinary political significance put disaster management on the nationalist agenda; the famine of 1974 confirmed its centrality, producing a social contract to protect the population against disasters and subsistence crises on which the country's acclaimed resilience to the effects of climate change rests. The Bhola cyclone also drew international attention to this neglected, little‐known region, and in general can be seen as foundational for the subsequent developmental achievements of Bangladesh.  相似文献   

6.
LUCY BONNERJEA 《Disasters》1994,18(3):277-283
Large numbers of children get separated from their families and communities in disasters. Family tracing is an attempt to find the families and assess if the children can be reunited. This paper examines how questions about the rights of children arise in the context of family tracing. It then looks at the challenges posed by effective and child sensitive tracing to both emergency and development programmes. The paper suggests that traditional coping mechanisms within communities are part of the social infractructure which all disaster intervention, including family tracing programmes, need explicitly to build on and repair.  相似文献   

7.
ALEX DE WAAL 《Disasters》1996,20(3):194-205
The links between certain kinds of political systems and protection against famine are investigated in this paper. The starting-point is a critique of Amartya Sen's observation that famines are unknown in countries with a free press and competitive elections. This holds true only in India because of a unique political history in which freedom from famine became a right, upon which political legitimacy was founded: an anti-famine 'social contract'.
The rise and decline of anti-famine systems in Africa is charted. Major reasons for decay include neo-liberalism and the international humanitarian system, both of which undermine relationships of domestic political accountability that underpin effective famine prevention. A number of politically regressive tendencies in 'actually existing humanitarianism' are identified that work against any nascent anti-famine social contracts in Africa. This is possible because famine prevention has not been established as a right in Africa.  相似文献   

8.
Archibald S  Richards P 《Disasters》2002,26(4):356-367
Based on preliminary findings of ongoing 'action research' in the war zone in central Sierra Leone, this paper shows how more equitable seed distribution could contribute to fostering a culture of human rights as well as to agricultural rehabilitation. Assessment of seeds-and-toosl programmes in 19 villages found that aid agency targeting and distribution modalities channelled inputs through village committees which denied assistance to intended beneficiary groups. Such distribution inequalities constitute violations of fundamental human rights, exacerbate grievance and division and maintain the threat of social disorder. The benefits and disadvantages of an alternative, more inclusive, rights-based approach to seed distribution are discussed, and preliminary results from the pilot phase of CARE's Rights-based Approach to Food Security Project are presented. Under this project, village-level peace and rights days are held to allow villagers to debate the vulnerabilities that facilitated the war and to elaborate on local notions of human rights. In symbolising new beginnings, seed can be seen as a useful medium through which to debate a more inclusive--and ultimately less vulnerable--society.  相似文献   

9.
Ibrahim Bani  MD PhD 《Disasters》2007,31(S1):S139-S149
This paper uses a public health approach to examine briefly: (a) the progress of universal salt iodisation (USI) in Sudan; (b) the roles of the main actors involved; and (c) the main issues around accelerating USI. The literature, especially that coming from the UN agencies, is analysed and experiences from the recently revitalised USI programme, and related relevant meetings, are distilled. In Sudan the prevalence of goitre is 22 per cent. It is assumed that productivity among the people affected is reduced by 5–25 per cent. Little apparent progress has been made with USI. The Government of Sudan, UN multilateral agencies, international consultative groups, bilateral agencies, global and national non-governmental organisations and, increasingly, the private sector must work together to find innovative approaches to increase awareness of the broader social, public health and nutritional contexts, and to advocate for increased national nd international funding.  相似文献   

10.
This paper considers the efforts of United Nations and international agencies to address the threats to Palestinian children arising from Israeli occupation. It contains an account of the reasons why agencies have failed, over many years, to prevent systematic violations by the Israeli authorities and settlers. The discussion is organised around two inter‐related domains: institutional and political. The paper argues that, in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), limitations to the ways in which child protection has been conceptualised and pursued in practice are abundantly evident. Nevertheless, political pressure by Western donor governments serves to constrain an approach to child protection that is more preventative in nature, that addresses more explicitly Israeli violations of international law, and that reflects the experience and aspirations of Palestinian children themselves. Ultimately, therefore, the failure to protect Palestinian children must be seen not only as a result of humanitarian miscalculation but also as a consequence of political strategy.  相似文献   

11.
JO BOYDEN 《Disasters》1994,18(3):254-267
This paper challenges the limited models of childhood, conflict and relief which determine most humanitarian interventions targeting children in conflict related emergencies. In particular, it notes the tendency of relief programmes to focus on "spectacular" groups of children (orphans, child combatants and refugees) at the expense of larger child populations indirectly affected by conflict. This relief bias is attributed to an inappropriate 'apocalypse model' of conflict which sees relief interventions only as repair. The bias also lies in a mistakenly universalist model of childhood and a medical paradigm which pathologizes children's experience in conflict and characterizes children as passive victims rather than active survivors. The paper argues for greater recognition of the wider social experience of children in conflict, and for relief practice which takes account of childhood resilience and children's different roles and capacities in coping with conflict. Appropriate interventions must engage with the wide variety of indigenous coping mechanisms involving children and not simply replicate a standard package of relief interventions in every emergency, based on simplistic and universalist interpretations of children's experience of conflict.  相似文献   

12.
Bani I 《Disasters》2007,31(Z1):S139-S149
This paper uses a public health approach to examine briefly: (a) the progress of universal salt iodisation (USI) in Sudan; (b) the roles of the main actors involved; and (c) the main issues around accelerating USI. The literature, especially that coming from the UN agencies, is analysed and experiences from the recently revitalised USI programme, and related relevant meetings, are distilled. In Sudan the prevalence of goitre is 22 per cent. It is assumed that productivity among the people affected is reduced by 5-25 per cent. Little apparent progress has been made with USI. The Government of Sudan, UN multilateral agencies, international consultative groups, bilateral agencies, global and national non-governmental organisations and, increasingly, the private sector must work together to find innovative approaches to increase awareness of the broader social, public health and nutritional contexts, and to advocate for increased national nd international funding.  相似文献   

13.
PAUL WEINDLING 《Disasters》1994,18(3):203-212
The transformation of the ethos of children's relief organisations from sentimentalism into science was reflected in the rise of nutritional science, eugenics, child psychology and child guidance. A related transition occurred in the organisational forms of child welfare organisations: with the rise of welfare states, government organisations took an increasing role. Internationally there was a move to expand the scope of charities relieving children in distress to broader strategies promoting child welfare. In this paper I consider these shifts in the case of international measures to relieve child starvation and to promote child welfare between the First and Second World Wars. I examine how health organisations had to move away from relief work and establish programmes seeking to relate the developing scientific understanding of nutrition to a range of factors affecting health.  相似文献   

14.
Young H  Taylor A  Way SA  Leaning J 《Disasters》2004,28(2):142-159
This article examines the recent revision of the Sphere Minimum Standards in disaster response relating to food security, nutrition and food aid. It describes how the revision attempted to incorporate the principles of the Humanitarian Charter, as well as relevant human rights principles and values into the Sphere Minimum Standards. The initial aim of the revision was to ensure that the Sphere Minimum Standards better reflected the principles embodied in the Humanitarian Charter. This was later broadened to ensure that key legal standards and principles from human rights and humanitarian law were considered and also incorporated, in part to fill the "protection gap" within the existing standards. In relation to the food security, nutrition and food aid standards, it was agreed by participants in the process that the human right to adequate food and freedom from hunger should be incorporated. In relation to more general principles underlying the Humanitarian Charter, itself drawn largely from human rights and humanitarian law, it was agreed that there was a need to strengthen "protection" elements within the standards and a need to incorporate the basic principles of the right to life with dignity, non-discrimination, impartiality and participation, as well as to explore the relevance of the concept of the progressive realisation of the right to food. The questions raised in linking rights to operational standards required thought, on the one hand, about whether the technical standards reflected a deep understanding of the values expressed within the legal instruments, and whether the existing standards were adequate in relation to those legal rights. On the other hand, it also required reflection on how operational standards like Sphere could give concrete content to human rights, such as the right to food and the right to be free from hunger. However, there remain challenges in examining what a rights-based approach will mean in terms of the role of humanitarian agencies as duty-bearers of rights, given that the primary responsibility rests with state governments. It will also require reflection on the modes and mechanisms of accountability that are brought to bear in ensuring the implementation of the Minimum Standards.  相似文献   

15.
This paper explores the conceptualisation and application of 'protection' by the United Nations High Commissioner (UNHCR), Ugandan government, and Congolese refugees in Kyaka II refugee settlement, Uganda. Analysing the origins and consequences of a demonstration against school fees, and drawing on other ethnographic data, it explores how different interpretations of this incident reflect different conceptions of, and approaches to, protection. Ugandan government officials viewed the demonstration as a security incident; Congolese and Ugandan adults responded with increased monitoring and 'sheltering' of children and young people; students justified the demonstration as a legitimate manifestation of their rights; while UNHCR promoted assistance and resettlement. The paper argues that prevailing protection responses, including 'sensitisation', sheltering, and resettlement, are de-contextualised from daily realities and fail to address the underlying power relations that undermine protection. It concludes with recommendations on how international refugee agencies can reorient assistance to address protection concerns in refugee contexts.  相似文献   

16.
Macrae J  Zwi AB 《Disasters》1992,16(4):299-321
Famine is conventionally portrayed as a natural disaster expressed in terms of food scarcity and culminating in starvation. This view has attracted criticism in recent years as the political, legal and social dimensions of famine have become more clearly understood. This paper draws upon these criticisms to understand the particular conditions of famine creation in conflict situations. Following an examination of six contemporary African famines, it is suggested that the use of food as a weapon of war by omission, commission and provision has contributed to the creation of famine in recent decades. Despite the optimism for peace engendered by the demise of the Cold War, the momentum for conflict would seem to be sustained by internal factors, including economic and environmental decline, political instability and ethnic rivalry. Within these conflicts, the strategic importance of food is likely to remain central. This study highlights the need to link concerns with food security and public health to those of development, human rights and international relations.  相似文献   

17.
Kent RC 《Disasters》2004,28(2):216-233
Changes in the nature of humanitarian crises and in the ways that the international community responds to such crises demand a radically overhauled role for the United Nations system. At a time when the UN and its member states are pursuing reform of some of that institution's most fundamental peace and security functions, this paper suggests that reform, too, is required to meet humanitarian crises of the future. This paper proposes a new type of operational role for the UN, while at the same time arguing that the UN has to place itself in the vanguard of humanitarian assistance as "the standard-bearer". The article draws many of its conclusions and recommendations from a recently completed study, requested by the Inter-Agency Standing Committee, concerning the effect for the UN system of changes in humanitarian financing.  相似文献   

18.
Weissman F 《Disasters》2004,28(2):205-215
Although the war in Liberia in July 2003 claimed hundreds of lives, the international community was reluctant to intervene. In this article, the author debates the question: does international military intervention equal protection of populations? The role of humanitarian organisations in military intervention is considered. Aid organisations cannot call for deployment of a protection force without renouncing their autonomy or appealing to references outside their own practices. Such organisations provide victims with vital assistance and contribute to ensuring that their fate becomes a stake in political debate by exposing the violence that engulfs them, without substituting their own voices for those of the victims. The political content of humanitarian action is also outlined and military intervention in the context of genocide is discussed. The author concludes that the latter is one of the rare situations in which humanitarian actors can consider calling for an armed intervention without renouncing their own logic.  相似文献   

19.
Zeccola P 《Disasters》2011,35(2):308-328
This paper examines the interface between human rights and humanitarian action in the context of the conflict and tsunami in Aceh, Indonesia, between 1998 and 2007. It looks at the challenges international humanitarian non-governmental organisations (NGOs) faced as they engaged in human rights work in the conflict period and in conflict-related activities in the post-tsunami period. The paper argues that many large NGOs may have compromised what some would hold to be essential principles for humanitarian action because of domestic political concerns, donor restrictions and resistance among certain NGO chiefs. In contrast with the pre-tsunami period, in which NGOs worked for years amid military operations, in the post-tsunami period NGOs were decidedly apolitical, neglecting the conflict in their tsunami response--despite significant developments that permitted greater political engagement in Aceh's post-conflict transformation. The evidence suggests that NGOs are challenged in contextualising humanitarian responses and that there is a need to underscore donor flexibility and independence in humanitarian action.  相似文献   

20.
James Fennell 《Disasters》1998,22(2):96-108
The Great Lakes tragedy from 1994—8 has demonstrated the impact of a new consensus in favour of conditional relief for the protection and assistance of disaster victims. This paper attempts to catalogue the failures of the international humanitarian community, African leaders and donor governments to act effectively in defence of humanitarian principles throughout the crisis. The paper places special emphasis on the events in eastern Zaire during 1996—7 that have, so far, received limited treatment, and, it contends, led to the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives.
The paper argues that the new orthodoxy of developmental relief, as adopted by UN and NGO humanitarian agencies in the Great Lakes, has acted more in support of the geopolitical and economic agendas of Northern governments and African leaders than in defence of disaster victims. The paper points out that the evidence of the Great Lakes tragedy suggests that the adoption of these approaches has sanctioned the abandonment of ideas about universal rights of protection for non-combatants at the moment when they are most at risk, with catastrophic results for those most vulnerable to abuse.  相似文献   

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