The role of enforcement programs in increasing seat belt use

Seat belt laws by themselves led to increased belt use in the United States and Canada, but initial effects were limited. Canadian provincial officials launched highly publicized enforcement campaigns in the early 1980s that resulted in substantially increased belt use. Canadian-style enforcement programs subsequently were adopted in the United States, and the use of such programs has grown in recent years. Lessons from these efforts include the importance of police leadership, focused publicity about enforcement, and sustained rather than single-shot efforts. What is needed in the United States to achieve a national belt use rate of 90% or greater is widespread, methodical, and sustained application of enforcement programs augmented by creative publicity. Enhanced penalties-in particular drivers license points-likely will be needed to reach hard-core nonusers.     

Sobriety checkpoints: evidence of effectiveness is strong, but use is limited

There is substantial and consistent evidence from research that highly publicized, highly visible, and frequent sobriety checkpoints in the United States reduce impaired driving fatal crashes by 18% to 24%. Although checkpoints are not conducted in 13 states for legal or policy reasons, there is strong evidence that if conducted appropriately, checkpoints would save lives in the other states. However, a recent survey of checkpoint use has demonstrated that despite the efforts of the U.S. Department of Transportation to encourage checkpoint use through publications, providing funds for equipment, and for officer overtime expenses, only about a dozen of the 37 states that conduct checkpoints do so on a weekly basis. The survey found that lack of local police resources and funding, lack of support by task forces and citizen activists, and the perception that checkpoints are not productive or cost effective are the main reasons for their infrequent use. This article discusses each of these problems and suggests a method for local communities to implement checkpoints without depending on state or federal funds. Low-staffing sobriety checkpoints conducted by as few as three to five officers have been shown to be just as effective as checkpoints conducted by 15 or more officers. A modified sobriety checkpoint program using passive alcohol sensors ("PASpoints") can be implemented by small- to moderate-sized communities in the United States to deter impaired driving. If implemented in a majority of communities, this strategy has a potential level of effectiveness similar to the high level achieved by several Australian states in their random breath-test (RBT) programs. The PASpoint system calls for a small group of three to five officers on traffic patrol duty to converge on a preset site and conduct a mini-checkpoint, returning to their standard patrol duties within two hours. Within this framework, the PASpoint operation would become a standard driving under the influence (DUI) enforcement technique regularly used within the community's jurisdiction. As a standard traffic enforcement activity, the cost would be covered by the normal enforcement budget.     

Ninety five percent: an evaluation of law, policy, and programs to promote seat belt use in Washington state

Seat belt use in Washington state was 83% in 2001. In 2002, a series of law, policy, and program initiatives coalesced to produce a dramatic increase in seat belt use. Washington enacted a primary enforcement seat belt, the Chief of the Washington State Patrol made safety belt enforcement one of the core missions of that agency, and Washington participated in the national Memorial Day Click It or Ticket program during May 2002 and continued the program into 2003. Evaluation of these initiatives was accomplished through observation surveys of seat belt use, analysis of seat belt violation data, and analysis of data on traffic deaths of motor vehicle occupants. The major findings were that there was a two- to three-fold increase in enforcement of the seat belt law, belt use rates increased to 93% in 2002 and again to 95% in 2003, and motor-vehicle occupant fatalities decreased by 13%. IMPACT ON PRACTICE AND POLICY: The primary seat belt law and Click It or Ticket program activities were critical factors in increasing belt use in Washington state. Media and enforcement programs targeting seat belt use can be very effective in raising the belt use rate, but a long-term commitment to continuation of these program activities is essential. Other states implementing new primary seat belt laws should consider delivering a Click It or Ticket campaign prior to the effective date of the primary law and continuing these activities during subsequent months and years.     

Connecticut statewide sTEP wave evaluation

INTRODUCTION: Selective Traffic Enforcement Programs (sTEPs) are a proven method to change motorists' behavior. Since 1997, the Connecticut DOT's Division of Highway Safety has organized a statewide seat belt enforcement program, with sTEP waves every three or four months. To date, 28 waves have been implemented. METHOD: Pre-wave and post-wave seat belt observation surveys are conducted by both state and municipal police across the state. Survey results, as well as a summary of all enforcement activity during the wave, are submitted for evaluation. RESULTS: Connecticut seat belt use has continued to rise from one wave to the next in a predictable "saw blade" pattern. CONCLUSIONS: The data clearly demonstrate that agencies that have participated in a greater number of waves have experienced the greatest increase in belt use. Belt use has not yet plateaued and additional sTEP enforcement seems indicated. However, evidence from other states suggests that a plateau may occur somewhere in the mid 80% range. IMPACT ON INDUSTRY: Should this occur, Connecticut will work toward strengthening the round the clock model, emphasizing the importance of aggressive primary enforcement.     

Encouraging compliance with graduated driver licensing restrictions

PROBLEM: Although graduated driver licensing (GDL) programs have reduced the high crash rates for 16-and 17-year-old drivers, research suggests that some teenagers fail to comply with restrictions on nighttime driving and carrying passengers. METHOD: A program to encourage compliance with GDL restrictions and seat belt requirements was implemented in Guilford County, North Carolina. The program combined increased enforcement with a multi-faceted publicity campaign drawing attention to the enforcement activity. A comparison community was studied to assess whether changes over time could be reasonably attributed to the program. RESULTS: Several measures indicate that greater enforcement did occur in the intervention community and that teenagers perceived the increase. However, self-reported data and direct observations of young drivers in the intervention and comparison communities showed the program resulted in only modest changes in compliance with GDL restrictions. DISCUSSION: The program put in place the mechanisms known to produce changes in driver behavior, but these may have been insufficient to alter the behavior of the minority of teenagers (and parents) who were not already complying with restrictions. However, the modest changes in young driver behavior plus the clear changes in both actual and perceived enforcement suggest that high visibility enforcement programs merit further use and evaluation in other communities, particularly those where compliance with GDL provisions is lower than in Guilford County.     

The deterrent effect of increasing fixed penalties for traffic offences: the Norwegian experience

PROBLEM: Many motorized countries use fixed penalties to deter the most common traffic violations. Fixed penalties are usually given at the spot by a police officer. If the offender accepts the fixed penalty, no court hearing or trial is held. During the years 1995-2004, the rates for fixed penalties for traffic offences in Norway increased substantially. This paper evaluates the effects on compliance of these increases. METHOD: Regression analysis was performed to determine the effects of increases in fixed penalties. RESULTS: For speeding in general, no effect of increasing fixed penalties can be found. For speeding close to speed camera sites, there is a weak tendency for the violation rate to go down. This tendency is not statistically significant at conventional levels. For seat belt wearing, wearing rates are found to increase as fixed penalties have increased. In recent years, however, enforcement of the seat belt law has stepped up, making it impossible to separate the effect of enforcement from that of fixed penalties. IMPACT ON INDUSTRY: It has been suggested that the police may adapt to stricter penalties by reducing enforcement or by adopting larger tolerance margins for violations. Available evidence does not support this hypothesis.     

Documenting the sustainability of a mature Click It or Ticket program: the North Carolina experience

North Carolina was the first United States jurisdiction to implement a statewide program (called Click It or Ticket) coupling concentrated enforcement with massive publicity to increase seat belt use. After a successful pilot program in three very different North Carolina communities, the statewide program was launched in October 1993, and has been most active and productive as well as imitated by many other states over the past decade. This paper explores the combination of ingredients that have been employed and sustained over that period of time. These include: (a) a basic coalition of critical public-private agencies (central to the planning, execution, and publicity of the many Click It or Ticket programs); (b) critical top-down commitments (starting with the governor); (c) pervasive and innovative media events/press releases/ PSAs/ web site information; (d) vigorous and well-publicized law enforcement; (e) feedback on results with solid, updated data; (f) related statewide and local programs/activities; and last but not least (g) continuous funding.     

Effectiveness of primary enforcement safety belt laws and enhanced enforcement of safety belt laws: a summary of the Guide to Community Preventive Services systematic reviews

BACKGROUND: The use of safety belts is the single most effective means of reducing fatal and nonfatal injuries in motor-vehicle crashes. This paper summarizes the systematic reviews of two interventions to increase safety belt use: primary enforcement safety belt laws and enhanced enforcement of safety belt laws. The reviews were previously published in the American Journal of Preventive Medicine. METHODS: We conducted the systematic reviews using the methodology developed for the Guide to Community Preventive Services. RESULTS: These reviews provide strong evidence that primary laws are more effective than secondary laws in increasing safety belt use and decreasing fatalities and that enhanced enforcement is effective in increasing safety belt use. Increases in belt use are generally highest in states with low baseline rates of belt use. DISCUSSION: Primary safety belt laws and enhanced enforcement programs tend to result in greater increases in usage rates for target groups with lower baseline rates. Concerns regarding public opposition to these interventions may impede their implementation in some jurisdictions. However, surveys indicate that a substantial majority of the public supports implementation of both primary laws and enhanced enforcement programs. CONCLUSION: Based on the strong evidence for effectiveness of primary safety belt laws and enhanced enforcement programs, the Task Force on Community Preventive Services recommended that all states enact primary safety belt laws and that communities implement enhanced enforcement programs.     

Low-manpower checkpoints: can they provide effective DUI enforcement in small communities?

OBJECTIVE: Sobriety checkpoints can be effective in reducing alcohol-impaired driving. Checkpoints are underutilized, however, partially because police believe a large number of officers are required. This study evaluated the feasibility and impact of conducting small-scale checkpoints in rural communities. METHODS: Law enforcement agencies in two counties agreed to conduct weekly checkpoints for one year. Two nonadjacent counties did not undertake additional checkpoints. Evaluation included public-awareness surveys and roadside surveys (including blood alcohol concentration [BAC] measurements) of weekend nighttime drivers. RESULTS: Relative to drivers in the comparison counties, the proportion of drivers in the experimental counties with BACs >0.05% was 70% lower. Drivers surveyed at driver's license offices in the experimental counties after program implementation were more likely to report seeing or passing through a checkpoint and were more aware of publicity on driving under the influence (DUI) enforcement. CONCLUSIONS: Small rural communities can safely and effectively conduct low-staff sobriety checkpoints on a weekly basis. Such programs can be expected to result in large reductions in drivers operating at higher BACs.     

Evaluation of the Reading, PA nighttime safety belt enforcement campaign: September 2004

PROBLEM: Safety belt use rates among front seat occupants of passenger vehicles are substantially lower at night than during the day despite the fact that night driving is more dangerous. METHOD: Recent advances in night vision equipment now make it possible to enforce belt use laws in darkness. Reading, Pennsylvania conducted a night belt use publicity and enforcement campaign during September 2004 using night vision equipment. RESULTS: Front seat occupant belt use at night increased significantly from 50% prior to the campaign to 56% just after the campaign. Daylight belt use also increased though to a lesser extent (56% to 59%). Survey data indicated that motorists had heard about the campaign in newspapers and on television. Belt use increases were not seen during the same time period in a comparison community.     

An evaluation of the Swedish ignition interlock program

The Swedish alcohol ignition interlock program for driving while intoxicated (DWI) offenders, both first-time as well as multiple offenders, was launched as a pilot project in 1999. It is a volunteer program and differs in some respects from other programs: It covers a period of 2 years, it includes very strict medical regulations entailing regular checkups by a physician, it does not require a prior period of hard suspension, and it focuses strongly on changes in alcohol habits. Records from the 5 years prior to the offence showed that DWI offenders are generally in a high-risk category long before their offense, with a four to five times higher accident rate (road accidents reported by the police) and a three to four times higher rate of hospitalization due to a road accident. Only 12% of the eligible DWI offenders took part in the program and, of these, 60% could be diagnosed as alcohol dependent or alcohol abusers. During the program, alcohol consumption is monitored through self-esteem questionnaires (AUDIT) and five different biological markers. Our data show a noticeable reduction in alcohol consumption among the interlock users. This, combined with the high rate of compliance with the regulations, probably accounts for the fact that there was no case of recidivism during the program. Preliminary findings also suggest a reduction in the annual accident rate for interlock users while in the program. It still is too early to draw any conclusions concerning the rate of recidivism after completion of the program due to an insufficient amount of data for analysis. Nevertheless, the preliminary results are so promising that the program will now be expanded to cover all of Sweden as well as to include all driver's license categories.     

Seat-Belt Use and Related Behaviors Among Young Adults

Seat-belt use among young adults was examined to identify factors associated with nonuse. This research was part of the Dunedin Multidisciplinary Health and Development Study, which is a study of the health, development, and behavior of a birth cohort of young New Zealanders (n = 1037). At age 21 years, 948 (93%) members of this cohort were administered a face-to-face interview where they were asked about seat-belt use (self and friends), reasons for nonuse, and also their involvement in risky driving practices, motor-vehicle traffic crashes, and some thrill-seeking activities. Results showed relatively high front seat-belt use (85–96%) but low rear use (29–47%). Some differences in use were a function of gender and seating location. Generally, users had higher academic qualifications and lower risky driving behavior (males only), but did not differ significantly as far as crash experiences and thrill-seeking activity was concerned. The main reasons for not using a seat belt were forgetfulness/laziness, a perceived low risk of injury, and discomfort. This study provided information about the background and behavior of young adults who do not use seat belts, which could be helpful when designing strategies to promote seat-belt use in this age group.     

Self-Reported Seat Belt Use in Four Countries: A Telephone Survey

A telephone survey was conducted in four countries in November 1998 to compare drivers in the United States with those in Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom regarding their attitudes toward seat belts and belt use laws. More than 90 percent of the 2251 respondents said they thought seat belts are effective, but self-reported belt use was significantly lower in the United States than in the other countries. Respondents in Australia and the United Kingdom had similar views about what they thought were important reasons for using seat belts and had the highest self-reported use. Reasons given for using belts by Canadian and US respondents were quite similar to one another, yet US respondents had significantly lower self-reported use rates, a difference thought to be due to vigorous enforcement of the law in Canada. US drivers were less likely than Australian and UK drivers to say they used belts out of habit, to avoid a ticket, or because it is required by law and more likely to say they used belts for situational reasons. US drivers were least likely to be in favor of belt use laws. Canadian drivers reported the most experience being checked by police for belt use and were most likely to think that nonusers would be caught. US drivers in primary enforcement jurisdictions were more likely than those in secondary jurisdictions to think that drivers not using belts would be caught and more likely to say they always used belts. Results of this survey indicate that seat belt use in the United States could be increased by adoption of primary enforcement laws and highly visible enforcement programs of the type used in Canada, and that seat belt use could be increased in all countries by increasing the penalties for nonuse.     

Evaluation of Maryland's state police impaired driving reduction effort (SPIDRE)

Objective: Alcohol-impaired driving is a significant factor in fatal and serious injury-producing crashes in the United States and many other countries. In 2013, the State of Maryland implemented an anti-driving under the influence (DUI) enforcement program, called the State Police Impaired Driving Reduction Effort (SPIDRE). This enforcement effort consisted of a select team of 7 police officers from the Maryland State Police who engaged in high-intensity driving under the influence (DUI) enforcement. The purpose of this evaluation was to determine the impact of the SPIDRE program on impaired-driving crashes, DUI arrests, DUI adjudicative outcomes, and public perceptions of DUI enforcement.

Methods: Data from alcohol-related crashes, arrests, and adjudicative outcomes of those arrests were used, along with data obtained from public opinion and bar patron surveys, to compare counties where the SPIDRE program operated and non-SPIDRE counties where it did not. The evaluation period extended from 2010 to 2016 in monthly intervals. Autoregressive integrated moving average (ARIMA) methods were used for the data analyses of crashes and arrests.

Results: There was no significant reduction in alcohol-related crashes as reported by the police associated with the SPIDRE program. However, there was a statistically significant decrease in the ratio of single-vehicle nighttime to multiple-vehicle daytime crashes in the SPIDRE counties but not in any other counties, suggesting a positive effect using this surrogate measure of impaired-driving crashes. The specific comparison counties as well as the other non-SPIDRE counties in Maryland experienced a statistically significant decrease in DUI arrests during the evaluation period, whereas the SPIDRE counties did not show such a decrease. Further, the arrests made by the SPIDRE team resulted in a significantly higher rate of positive adjudicative outcomes than arrests made by non-SPIDRE officers in those counties where the SPIDRE team operated. There was no evidence that the public was more aware of DUI enforcement efforts in the SPIDRE counties than in the non-SPIDRE counties.

Conclusions: The SPIDRE program appeared able to prevent a downward trend in DUI arrests, experienced by the rest of the state, and achieved higher quality arrests resulting in more positive adjudicative outcomes. The way in which the SPIDRE team was deployed may have lacked sufficient duration and intensity (e.g., only 2–3 months of activity in any given county) to achieve a reduction in alcohol-impaired-driving crashes as reported by the police. It is recommended that the SPIDRE team increase its enforcement activities for at least 9–12 consecutive months in the county where they are employed.     

‘Work’ or ‘leisure’? The protestant work ethic and participation in an employee fitness program

Is a company's in-house fitness center perceived as a place to engage in ‘leisure ’activities that are distinct from ‘work’, or as an extension of normal ‘work ’activities? This exploratory study examined the possibility that Protestant Work Ethic (PWE) beliefs might influence the frequency with which employees use their company's exercise programs and facilities. If exercise programs are regarded as ‘leisure’, then PWE endorsers would likely not participate, but the reverse might be true to the extent that such programs are seen as ‘work’. A short survey was completed by 335 employees of a large Canadian corporation which maintained an in-house fitness center that had been in operation for 16 months. The sample was almost evenly divided between users and non-users of the facilities. Results indicated that PWE endorsement was positively related both to the frequency with which respondents visited their company's fitness center, and to the perception that exercise provided work-related benefits, and these findings suggest that on-the-job fitness is regarded more as a component of ‘work ’than of ‘leisure’. ‘A corporate fitness program is the hottest perk since the executive washroom ’(Hoffman and Hobson, 1984, p. 110).     

Effects of red light cameras on violations and crashes: a review of the international literature

Red light running is a frequent cause of motor vehicle crashes and injuries. A primary countermeasure for red light running crashes is police traffic enforcement. In recent years, many police agencies have begun using automated red light cameras as a supplement to conventional enforcement methods. The present study reviewed and evaluated available evidence in the international literature regarding the effectiveness of cameras to reduce both red light violations and crashes. Camera enforcement generally reduces violations by an estimated 40-50%. In terms of crash effects, most studies contain methodological flaws that, to varying degrees, either overestimate (failure to adjust for regression to the mean) or underestimate (comparison with nearby signalized intersections affected by cameras) crash effects. Mindful of these limitations, the research generally indicates that camera enforcement can significantly reduce injury crashes at signalized intersections, in particular right-angle injury crashes. Most studies reported increases in rear-end crashes following camera installation. Taken together the studies indicate that, overall, injury crashes, including rear-end collisions, were reduced by 25-30% as a result of camera enforcement.     

A community driving under the influence (DUI) study of declining arrests

Abstract

Objective: Recent news reports in 2016 indicated that across Miami–Dade County, Florida, driving under the influence (DUI) arrests have decreased substantially. The objective of this research was to determine the reasons for the decline in DUI arrests from 2009 to 2016. Are there fewer impaired drivers on the roads? Can DUI enforcement and prosecution be improved?

Methods: The following methods were used in this study: (1) Analysis of existing DUI arrest and crash data; (2) conducting and analysis of a telephone survey of reported knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors concerning impaired driving; (3) conducting and analysis of roadside surveys on the roads on weekend nights in Miami–Dade County; (4) information from focus group discussions with police and prosecutors in Miami–Dade County; and (5) a comprehensive review of the best DUI prevention practices and enforcement strategies used across the country.

Results: DUI arrests decreased 64% in Miami–Dade County between 2009 and 2016. This was a significantly larger decrease than has occurred in the State of Florida as a whole (34%) and in the United States (29%) over the same time period. The decline was not due to any decline in DUI behavior in the county.

Conclusions: Based upon the data and information gathered in this project, the following actions were recommended for Miami–Dade County: (1) County police chiefs need to find ways to overcome law enforcement apathy toward DUI enforcement and persuade their traffic enforcement officers to be proactive rather than reactive when it comes to identifying and making impaired driving stops. (2) County police agencies should join forces to conduct more sobriety checkpoints. Checkpoints are safer for both the police and the drivers going through them and serve as a general deterrent to impaired driving. (3) An interagency DUI task force or team of 5 to 7 officers should be established within the county. These officers would be solely dedicated to DUI enforcement and paid for by each individual agency or under a grant from the state or federal government.     

Behavior and lifestyle characteristics of male Kuwaiti drivers

Introduction: The high traffic accident risk among young drivers is a well-known and well-documented fact in most countries. Lifestyle has proven to affect driving behavior as well as accident risk. This study covers the lifestyle component of the problems related to young male Kuwaiti drivers’ accident risk. Methods: The purpose of the study is to measure the relationship between lifestyle and accident risk. Lifestyle is measured through a questionnaire, where 302 male Kuwaiti drivers (mean age = 28 years; range 25-35 years) answer 39 questions related to behavioral and social factors, road conditions, police enforcement, and life satisfaction. They also report their involvement in accidents and traffic violations. Results: The questionnaire's validity and reliability (Cronbach's alpha = 0.7) were achieved. Principal component analysis reduced the 39 items on the questionnaire to 5 factors. Inadequate police enforcement is strongly correlated (r = 0.862) to accident risk and traffic violations and is thus considered the best predictor of traffic accidents in Kuwait. Impact on Industry: As driving-related incidents (on-the-job and off-the-job) are a significant source of fatalities and lost-work-days, the study points to the importance of considering cultural factors in the design of comprehensive safety programs for industry.     

Graduated driver licensing restrictions: awareness, compliance, and enforcement in North Carolina

PROBLEM: This study examined the extent to which critical restrictions in North Carolina's graduated driver licensing (GDL) system are known, adhered to, and enforced. METHOD: Teenagers and their parents were recruited as they applied for either an intermediate or full license at 1 of 23 licensing offices. Telephone interviews were conducted with 900 teenagers and their parents. RESULTS: Awareness of North Carolina's night and passenger restrictions was very high among both parents and teenagers. Ten percent of teenagers reported violating the night restriction without their parents' knowledge, and 15% had done so with their parents' approval. Only 4% of parents reported allowing their teenagers to drive with more than one teenage passenger, but 19% of teenagers reported that they were allowed to do this. Violations of the passenger restriction without parental knowledge were more common than violations of the night restriction (22% vs. 10%, respectively). Among teenagers who violated restrictions without their parents' knowledge, most reported doing so only once or a few times. Teenagers expressed little concern about detection, although a majority reported driving more carefully to avoid police notice. Neither parents nor teenagers knew much about police enforcement of GDL restrictions. To obtain a sense of the views of law enforcement officers, informal interviews were conducted with 20 officers from five diverse communities and the state highway patrol. These officers were highly supportive of GDL but unfamiliar with many of the specific provisions. Moreover, enforcement of GDL restrictions did not appear to be a high priority. IMPACT ON INDUSTRY: There is a need to increase the belief among teens (and parents) that police are enforcing GDL restrictions in their community; law enforcement participation in well-publicized traffic safety enforcement efforts would likely produce this result.     

Effects of Washington, D.C. law on drivers' hand-held cell phone use

OBJECTIVE: To assess the effects of Washington, D.C. law prohibiting drivers' use of hand-held cell phones on such use. METHODS: Daytime observations of drivers were conducted at signalized intersections in D.C. in March 2004, several months before the law took effect on July 1, 2004, and again in October 2004. As a comparison, observations also were conducted in areas of Virginia and Maryland located close to the D.C. border. Maryland and Virginia placed no limitations on drivers' phone use. Use was observed for 36,091 vehicles in D.C., 25,151 vehicles in Maryland, and 28,483 vehicles in Virginia. RESULTS: The rate of talking on hand-held cell phones among drivers in D.C. declined significantly from 6.1% before the law to 3.5% after. Phone use declined slightly in Maryland and increased significantly in Virginia so that, relative to the patterns of hand-held phone use in the two states, phone use in D.C. declined 50%. Hand-held phone use in D.C. declined comparably among drivers of vehicles registered in all three jurisdictions. D.C. police issued 2,556 citations and 1,232 warnings for cell phone violations during July-November 2004. There were spates of media coverage when the law was passed and when it took effect. CONCLUSIONS: D.C.'s law prohibiting drivers' hand-held phone use had a strong effect on such use among drivers in D.C. Without ongoing publicized enforcement of the law, long-term compliance may be difficult to achieve.