中国在气候变化谈判资金机制演变进程中的挑战及应对

气候变化是当今人类社会面临的最严峻的全球性环境挑战之一,气候变化谈判关乎各国在气候秩序中的权力与义务,涉及到各国经济发展的根本利益,已经成为国际政治博弈的新舞台.根据联合国气候变化框架公约和巴厘路线图精神,发达国家应承担起历史责任,向发展中国家提供新的、额外的、可持续的、可预测的资金支持,帮助其应对气候变化的不利影响.但是,由于发达国家缺乏履行公约义务的政治诚意,长期以来在资金问题上同发展中国家展开了艰苦的斗争.哥本哈根会议后,全球应对气候变化资金呈现出资金来源多样化,资金规模逐渐缩水,资金治理机制对发达国家出资约束力近一步降低的趋势.各利益集团围绕资金机制谈判展开激烈博弈,欧盟与美国正在逐步突破“共同但有区别的责任”原则,争夺气候变化谈判领导权并力图将我国拉入出资国之列,发展中国家阵营逐步分化为“基础四国”、“小岛屿国家”、“最不发达国家”等,保持共同立场难度日渐增大.尽管绿色气候基金在德班会议后正式启动,若无资金注入,也只能为未来资金机制谈判带来不确定性.面对上述形势,我国应坚持公约基本原则,坚持发展中国家定位,加强综合研究及前瞻性判断,以积极的姿态和务实的态度参与应对气候变化的国际谈判,以争取自身的发展权益,维护国家核心利益.同时,探索在当前发展阶段下发展低碳经济和建立低碳社会的路线图,不断提高减缓和适应气候变化的能力,实现自觉减排,为全球应对气候变化做出积极贡献.     

“共同但有区别的责任”原则的解读——对哥本哈根气候变化会议的冷静观察

哥本哈根气候变化会议中最大的立场之争可能是关于"共同但有区别的责任"原则的政治辩论。"给不平等者以不平等"和"给平等者以平等"是"共同但有区别的责任"原则的哲学基础。历史责任、矫正正义和"与能力有关的责任"体现了"给不平等者以不平等"的理念。人均排放权和平等参与权则体现了"给平等者以平等"的理念。在"共同但有区别的责任"原则视域中,不是中国,而是丹麦和美国劫持了哥本哈根气候变化会议。从中国的立场看,国际社会在哥本哈根气候变化会议之后理应在"给不平等者以不平等"和"给平等者以平等"理念基础上坚守"共同但有区别的责任"原则。首先,国际社会应将历史累积排放量和人均GDP作为适应气候变化的参考标准。其次,鉴于发展中国家的发展律令和后代人的正当需要,国际社会应将人均累积排放量和人均排放量作为减缓气候变化的参考标准。最后,国际社会必须按照平等参与原则开展将来的国际谈判。     

全球气候变化框架公约执行中的协商性谈判探讨

1992年联合国通过了《联合国气候变化框架公约》。在同年6月地球首脑会议上,155个国家签署了该公约。随着公约内容的具体化,围绕缔约国之间控制温室气体排放这个主议题,将展开政治、经济、法律、环境诸方面的分工协作以控制全球气候的变化。因此有必要在多边谈判和实施公约的工作中,讨论协商性谈判问题。本文探讨了该问题并就协商性谈判提出一些原则性建议。     

中国碳市场发展若干重大问题的思考

自京都议定书确定市场机制减缓气候变化以来,国际碳市场发展迅速,呈现全球化、金融化的发展趋势。从经济利益角度来分析,国际气候谈判的本质,一是发展空间的争夺,二是经济利益的竞争。由于碳市场具有政策兼容性强、区域行业拓展性强和金融衍生性强三大优点,国际碳市场将是各国经济利益博弈的主要载体,市场机制将成为未来全球气候协议的核心要素。通过深入分析市场机制与全球气候谈判长期目标、资金、监测报告核查以及行业减排等重要议题的密切关系,提出了发达国家气候谈判的核心利益之一就是旨在推动建立全球统一碳市场。一方面通过控制全球碳市场的标准、市场、金融等体系和规则主导话语权,继续保持发达国家在全球低碳发展下的经济竞争优势,另一方面则可巧妙逃避发达国家历史排放责任与气候债务。基于国际碳市场发展的深刻背景与中国碳排放交易试点的情况,对中国发展碳市场的重大问题提出了四方面建议:一是中国碳市场发展目标应服务于国家应对气候变化的总体政策和目标;二是中国碳市场应以实体经济为主体,并服务其升级转型;三是建立和发展全国统一的碳市场首先必须考虑区域不平衡的原则;四是中国碳市场的国际链接应与中国金融体系的对外开放进程结合,特别是应与人民币的国际化进程相结合。     

后巴黎时代气候变化公约资金机制的构建

气候变化公约资金机制是串联全球开展应对气候变化行动的纽带,也是通过国际合作实现"2℃"乃至"1.5℃"温控目标的关键支撑。多年来,由于发达国家和发展中国家在是否依据历史责任划分履约义务上存在根本分歧,公约资金机制面临多渠道并行、运行规则多样化、资金使用分散、运行效率偏低、绩效评估欠缺等问题。本文对气候变化公约缔结20余年来各资金机制的产生和运行进行了系统梳理;对其存在的不足以及在全球气候融资体系中面临的挑战进行了剖析;并基于《巴黎协定》资金案文描述和履约要求,围绕气候资金从筹集到最终绩效产出全过程,就如何构建未来气候变化公约资金机制进行了统筹规划和设计。在机制建设层面,通过出资分摊机制以及公约下集中式管理平台的构建,确保气候资金的充足性、可预见性以及对公约的责任性;在运行操作层面,通过各渠道重点业务领域及国别资金分配体系的优化,推动气候资金的公平性和有效性;在资金使用层面,通过受援国气候资金统一管理实体和监督评估体系的建立,提高气候资金的国家主导性和环境效益。未来,公约资金机制仍将是全球开展应对气候变化国际合作的主要渠道,在《巴黎协定》达成、绿色气候基金正式运行、国际气候制度重新构建的背景下,利用资金机制推动发达国家履行公约义务,切实向发展中国家提供资金、技术和能力建设支持,对确保公约各要素的全面性和平衡性,推动全球应对气候变化行动开展,强化发展中国家集团统一立场都有着重要的现实意义。     

《保护臭氧层维也纳公约》简介

198 5年国际社会在联合国环境规划署的号召和组织下进行了有关保护臭氧层的国际公约谈判。通过并签署了《保护臭氧层维也纳公约》。该公约在前言中指出了臭氧层破坏给人类带来的潜在影响 ,并根据《联合国人类环境宣言》中的原则 ,呼吁各国采取预防措施 ,使本国内开展的活动不要对全球环境造成破坏。同时呼吁各国加强该领域的研究。该公约在前言中指出 :在保护臭氧层中应考虑发展中国家的特殊情况和要求 ,这实际上暗示了发达和发展中国家在处理全球一半问题上的合作原则 ,即1992年联合国环发大会所确定的“共同但有区别的责任”原则。该公…     

我国气候变化研究的主要进展

当前 ,由于人为因素带来的全球气候变化日益成为国际社会关注的重大问题。气候变化将可能带来不可逆的全球尺度的气候系统的变化 ,从而可能给人类生存环境带来难以估量的变化 ,这种变化可能给人类和其他生物带来好处 ,也可能带来巨大的灾难 ,目前 ,科学上对这个问题还无法给出确定的回答。为防患于未然 ,保护现有的生存环境和气候系统 ,联合国制订了《联合国气候变化框架公约》及《联合国气候变化框架公约京都议定书》,要求世界各国按照“共同但有区别的责任”的原则 ,采取措施 ,履行义务 ,保护人类共同的生存环境。我国科学界在这一领域也…     

中国应对气候变化的战略进程与角色转型:从防范“黑天鹅”灾害到迎战“灰犀牛”风险

全球气候治理对于气候风险的认识一直在不断发展。国际气候谈判启动伊始,主导力量呼吁各国根据"共同但有区别的责任"原则积极进行温室气体减排,致力于防止出现难以预料但影响巨大的"黑天鹅"式的气候灾害。而当前各国减排力度与全球温控目标仍存在明显的差距,人类社会极有可能面临的大概率、影响大的"灰犀牛"式的气候风险。中国曾多次面临极端气候事件,但在新中国成立之后陆续建设的各类基础设施,提升了全社会应对自然灾害和气候灾害的能力及水平。从国际社会输入国内的对全球性气候变化的认知,强化了中国对灾变性气候"黑天鹅"事件的防范意识。随着中国工业化和城市化进程的推进,气候变化可能导致的自然灾害成为严重威胁中国可持续发展的"灰犀牛"风险。在这种认识转变的背景下,中国应对气候变化的战略进程,经历了灾害防范、科学参与、权益维护、发展协同和贡献引领5个阶段。中国气候战略转型的主要原因在于化石能源燃烧所排放的二氧化碳总量的快速攀升、经济发展水平和能力的增强,以及中国生态环境面临的严峻压力。面对全球性的气候变化问题,中国不仅从自身情况出发去积极应对,也在为全球安全做出贡献。当前,国内深化推进生态文明建设,对气候变化的态度已经转为主动积极去迎战具有"灰犀牛"属性的气候变化风险。中国应对气候变化的国家战略,已经转变为强化国内行动完善中国特色的"中国方案",在国际主动引领国际气候进程,迎战威胁人类未来的气候风险。     

气候变化损失与危害的内涵与应对机制

当前全球减缓与适应的努力无法有效应对气候变化的不利影响,巨大的气候变化损失与危害需要直接的解决方案。2012年《联合国气候变化框架公约》(简称《公约》)多哈会议期间,应对气候变化不利影响的损失与危害问题突然升温,成为影响大会能否成功的关键议题之一。本文通过对气候变化损失与危害的定义和内涵的探讨,将损失与危害归纳为人类通过减缓或适应未能避免的气候变化的不利影响,并与影响、脆弱性和风险等相关概念进行辨析,提出较完整的损失与危害的概念模型,认识到应对气候变化损失与危害是对减缓与适应的有效补充。系统阐述国际上基于政治、法律和市场的损失与危害的应对机制,初步展示了损失与危害机制的可能形式,包括:小岛国联盟在《公约》下提出的"应对损失与危害的多窗口机制",主要包括保险、恢复与赔偿、风险管理,由发达国家根据国民生产总值(GNP)和温室气的排放量提供资金支持;慕尼黑保险公司提出的"慕尼黑气候保险计划",主要包括预防和保险,实施慕尼黑气候保险计划预计需要每年投入约100亿美元购买保险服务;遭受气候变化损失与危害的国家通过国际诉讼向气候变化的责任方提出赔偿要求也是一种潜在的应对机制,其原理基础是国际惯例法的重要通行原则——"无害原则",但具体实施受国际法院强制管辖权的有限性和国际诉讼高风险的制约。最后,提出损失与危害可能的学术研究方向,为构建气候变化损失与危害国际与国内应对机制及开展相关研究提供参考。     

国际气候谈判新格局与中国的定位问题探讨

2012年在多哈举行的联合国气候变化框架公约(以下简称公约)第18届缔约方会议通过了包括《京都议定书》第二承诺期在内的一揽子成果,结束了长达5年的巴厘路线图谈判授权(以下简称巴厘授权),同时也意味着德班平台的密集谈判正式开始。与巴厘授权"双轨"谈判相比,德班平台是在一个轨道上谈判,但这并不表示部分缔约方关于"双轨"的诉求、立场已经调整,而是各方持不同诉求,在德班平台谈判中寻求可以实现谈判诉求的表现形式。因此,德班平台一轨谈判,并没有简化、溶释问题,而是让问题更为集中的呈现。德班平台授权之初,发展中国家集团内部就是否授权开启德班平台谈判即存争议,而之后的磋商中,小岛国联盟与新兴经济体发展中国家在减排目标、法律形式、资金来源等一些主要关切上立场渐远,而与欧盟逐渐趋同。欧盟与小岛国联盟也成为推动德班平台谈判最积极的力量。公约长期以来呈现的南北国家集团立场分异格局,正在面临调整,新的谈判力量也在重组。各方在德班平台谈判下利益诉求的巨大差异,使得谈判进展不畅,未来各方将继续围绕"共同但有区别的责任"原则的解释、减排的模式和目标、资金来源与治理、未来协议的法律形式等方面展开博弈,寻求共识。随着社会经济发展,我国在国际气候治理进程中受关注程度也有了根本改变,我国一直所坚持的发展中国家定位,正受到来自部分发达国家和发展中国家的挑战,中国对外投资与援助的快速发展加剧了要求中国转换身份、承担更多国际义务的呼声和预期。然而,中国需要清醒的认识到我们在各个领域的实际地位包括国际气候治理进程,话语权限仍然十分有限,远未达到主导世界进程的地位。中国参与国际气候治理,不论是角色被转换还是自我调整,仍然需要韬光养晦,强健筋骨;权衡责权,量力而为。     

Remedies for loss and damage caused by climate change from the dimension of climate justice

Adverse consequences to the ecological system and human health caused by impacts potentially attributable to climate change have already drawn great and widespread concern of many scientists and international organizations. However, we still have a hard time determining exactly the impact of climate change on the environment or the damage that climate change inflicts on countries comprising small islands or low-lying lands in light of today’s science and technology. The progress for dealing with the issue of loss and damage has been struggling for a long time from the beginning to the present. In this paper, the author begins by summarizing talks on the concept and the positions of commentators. The author is proposing that the development of future climate negotiations and rule-making process be based on global climate justice as a standard for measuring value. Also, the author proposes that a holistic view of climate justice be established. Generally, three aspects of climate justice can be derived. First, the dimension of human rights protection shows that protection of fundamental human rights is a logical precondition if small-island and low-lying countries are able to achieve climate justice. Second, the definite and traditional concepts of distributive justice and corrective justice hold the view that the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities should be upheld as a basic standard of allocating rights and duties associated with climate change. Third, climate justice requires that any state follow the “no-harm principle,” which is regarded as an international customary rule. According to the principle, the obligation of states to prevent the use of their territory for causing trans-boundary harm to the environment shall be a violation of state responsibility, which incurs international punishment. Then we put forward three remedial approaches in light of climate justice, including the approach of State Responsibility (SR) based on the principles and rules of international human rights law and international environmental law. Based on clear rules, the judge can determine whether the damaging behavior or the damage perpetrated by a state party constitutes a state responsibility. The International Environmental Regulation (IEB), which means solving the problems within the framework established by the Conventions on Climate Change, takes advantage of the market mechanisms and incentives such as fund and insurance support system to relieve or compensate the loss and damage. International Environmental Dispute Settlement Mechanism (IEDSM), which includes the means such as consultations, negotiations, nonmandatory ways and international arbitration, international judicial ways to solve these disputes, functions as a procedural safeguard. As an active promoter of global climate governance, China should no doubt stand by the principle of Common But Differentiated Responsibility (CBDR) and take it as a basis for negotiations, actively strengthen the work of South-South cooperation, fulfill her international climate commitments without reservation, vigorously develop a low-carbon economy, and actively promote international negotiations on the subject of loss and damage.     

Establishing a measurement,reporting, and verification system for climate finance in post-Paris agreement period

The measurement, reporting, and verification (MRV) of climate finance was originated from discussions under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). It has been one of the key issues of global climate negotiations since 2009 and will continue to be of significant importance in addressing climate change and strengthening international trust. This paper analyses the concept, the objective, and the progress of the MRV of climate finance based on reviews of the latest literature and think-tank reports regarding climate finance regime and MRV. Following the analysis, challenges faced with the MRV of climate finance are illustrated. This paper presents that the comparability of climate finance data needs to be improved due to the variety of methodologies used for disaggregating climate finance. In addition, the integrality of the MRV system of climate finance has been impaired by the lack of feedback mechanism from the recipients to the contributors in reporting system. Furthermore, although accounting system of climate finance has been developing and improving, it remains incapacity in providing accurate data on disbursed climate finance. Responding to the above challenges, this paper proposes the key tasks in establishing a comprehensive MRV system for climate finance at international level. The tasks involve developing a measurement system with consistent data basis and accounting basis, a reporting system with more detailed guidance and standardized formats, as well as a verification mechanism balancing top-down and bottom-up review processes. In the last section, this paper concludes that the establishment of an improved MRV of climate finance requires concerted cooperation and negotiations between developed and developing country Parties under the UNFCCC. As one of the few developing country donors to the Global Environmental Facility (GEF), China is suggested to clarify its propositions as a developing country in aspects such as concept, coverage, and architecture of climate finance and MRV system, and gain bargaining power in improving operating and technical rules of international climate finance regime.     

The Concept and Theoretical Implications of Carbon Emissions Rights Based on Individual Equity

Climate change has become a hot topic in international environmental negotiations.For post-Kyoto international climate regime negotiations,many countries have proposed a variety of frameworks to share the emission reduction responsibilities and allocate carbon emission rights,and have tried to quantify the emission reduction obligations of all countries based on the perspectives of international equity and individual equity.In this paper,the authors have distinguished the concepts of carbon emissions rights based on these two perspectives respectively,have analyzed the relationship between carbon emissions per capita and economic development,and have calculated and compared the proportion of cumulative emissions per capita of different countries in history and future,and then authors conclude that emission reduction obligations should be allocated based on each country’s conditions,including historical emissions,development stage,and future demands.Developed countries should take the initiative to significantly reduce their emissions because they have already accomplished their industrialization process.However,developing countries are still in the process of industrialization,which requires more emission rights to meet their development needs.For China,the concept of carbon emissions based on individual equity can be used as a theoretical tool for the allocating the international carbon emissions rights.     

The Concept and Theoretical Implications of Carbon Emissions Rights Based on Individual Equity

Abstract

Climate change has become a hot topic in international environmental negotiations. For post-Kyoto international climate regime negotiations, many countries have proposed a variety of frameworks to share the emission reduction responsibilities and allocate carbon emission rights, and have tried to quantify the emission reduction obligations of all countries based on the perspectives of international equity and individual equity. In this paper, the authors have distinguished the concepts of carbon emissions rights based on these two perspectives respectively, have analyzed the relationship between carbon emissions per capita and economic development, and have calculated and compared the proportion of cumulative emissions per capita of different countries in history and future, and then authors conclude that emission reduction obligations should be allocated based on each country’s conditions, including historical emissions, development stage, and future demands. Developed countries should take the initiative to significantly reduce their emissions because they have already accomplished their industrialization process. However, developing countries are still in the process of industrialization, which requires more emission rights to meet their development needs. For China, the concept of carbon emissions based on individual equity can be used as a theoretical tool for the allocating the international carbon emissions rights.     

《巴黎协定》后的气候资金测量、报告和核证体系构建研究

气候资金测量、报告和核证产生于《联合国气候变化框架公约》(简称《公约》)之下,2009年以来一直是全球气候谈判的重点之一,也是未来全球共同应对气候变化和不断增进国际信任的重要环节。《巴黎协定》达成的"每两年通报"的决定,将推动气候资金测量、报告和核证得到不断的加强和完善。本文通过梳理最新的气候资金机制以及测量、报告和核证的文献资料和智库报告,分析了气候资金测量、报告和核证的内涵、目标和最新进展,以及公约框架下面临的挑战。分析指出,目前不同的气候资金统计和核算机构的资金分类标准存在差异,数据可比性有待改善;缺乏从资金上游到下游的反馈机制,影响气候资金测量、报告和核证体系的完整性;气候资金计量体系虽然正在发展和完善之中,但仍然难以提供准确的资金"支付"数据。据此,文章提出了构建综合性的国际气候资金测量、报告和核证体系的重点任务:建立具有统一数据基础和核算口径的气候资金测量体系,建立操作指南更为详细、形式更为标准统一的气候资金报告体系,以及"自上而下"和"自下而上"相结合的气候资金核证机制。最后,文章指出国际气候资金测量、报告和核证体系的构建需要发达国家和发展中国家在坚持公约资金机制的基础上共同参与和协作。作为国际上少数几个向GEF捐资的发展中国家之一,中国在参与过程中应力争体现发展中国家对气候资金性质的主张以及对测量、报告和核证机制的关键概念和范围界定的主张,影响国际气候资金机制的运营规则和技术规则。     

The Paris Agreement and climate change negotiations: Small Islands,big players

Climate change poses an existential threat to Small Island Developing States (SIDS). They have played a leading role in raising awareness of climate change on the international stage and advocating for strong climate action, notably through the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS). Despite their heterogeneity, they succeeded in building a common diplomatic discourse and influencing strategy, and mobilized political leaders as well as talented negotiators and advisors.Small Island States were a crucial group in the negotiating period up to, during the 21st Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP21), and for the entry into force of the Paris Agreement. SIDS succeeded to secure their special circumstances as vulnerable countries, demonstrated leadership in raising ambition to reduce greenhouse gas emissions to help secure an ambitious long-term temperature goal of limiting global warming to below 1.5 °C, and advanced the complex debate on loss and damage.Small Island States face major challenges to advance their leadership on climate change moving forward: securing immediate actions for those particularly vulnerable countries and increasing their influence within and outside the climate change negotiations. For Small Island states, the 1.5 °C goal should be considered “the visible part of the iceberg” for their diplomacy in a post-Paris context.     

Resources and international climate change policy gridlock

Few other policy zones are as complex as the issue of climate change. If the more pessimistic projections of climate change doom are correct, then the failure to address the issue is likely to be catastrophic and irreversible. The Inter-governmental Panel on Climate Change has predicted the potential extinction of many species and that the existence of small-island and other vulnerable countries will be threatened if business-as-usual greenhouse gas emissions continue. Climate change is a transboundary problem and requires unprecedented levels of cooperation between states and serious and sustained responses from major emitters. However, the growing demand and consumption of natural resources for continued energy security and cornucopian economic growth have undermined the outcomes of international climate change negotiations. It is argued here that there is a strong connection between the major emitters’ positions at United Nations’ climate talks, their possessions, dependence and consumption of natural resources, and the continued undermining of international climate change policy for unsustainable growth. This paper assesses the resource politics of the US, China, India, Canada, Russia, and Saudi Arabia and their positions at climate talks to show the link between lack of climate change policy progress and the positions of these main players.     

Climate capacity:the measurement for adaptation to climate change

This article proposed the concept of"climate capacity"as a way of measuring human’s adaptiveness to climate change.This article also focused on the related concepts like ecological carrying capacity,water resources carrying capacity,land carrying capacity as well as population carrying capacity.The concept of climate capacity was articulated against a background of global climate and environmental change.Essentially,China’s efforts to adapt to climate change was a matter of improving climate capacity,which is the ecosystem as well as the frequency,the intensity and the scale of human’s social activities that the climatic resources of a particular geographic area were supposed to support.The climate capacity has two components.One is the natural climate capacity,which includes temperature,sunlight,precipitation,extreme climatic events,etc.The other is the derived climate capacity,which includes water resources,land resources,ecological systems,climatic risks,etc.The climate capacity can be developed or be transferred between regions by taking engineering,technology or regime-based adaptive measures.However,these adaptive measures must be implemented under the principle of economic rationalism,ecological integrity,climate protection,and social justice.It is expected that by combining the climate capacity and its threshold value with the assessment of climate change risks,we are able to predict the optimal population carrying capacity and the scale of socioeconomic development,and furthermore,provide policy support for the socioeconomic development strategy and adaptive planning.In the regions with high climate capacity,there is a symbiotic relationship between adaptation and socioeconomic development.But,in the regions with limited climate capacity,irrational development may further damage the environment.Taking the Yangtze River delta,a region with high climate capacity,and a region of Ningxia,a region with limited climate capacity,as illustrative examples,the authors of this article analyzed the policy implications of climate capacity and further made suggestions on the problems of capacitylimited adaptation and development-driven adaptation.This article argued that the concept of climate capacity can not only be used as an analytical instrument of climate change economics,but also it can provide research support for planning regional adaptation and development with climate change impact and risk assessments.     

Global progress in climate change adaptation policies and its implication for China

This paper reviews the progress in climate change adaptation (CCA) policies both under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and in major regions and countries, including the EU and its major member countries, the influential developed countries in the Asia-Pacific region, the emerging economies and the least developed countries (LDCs). The progress made in China in CCA policies is also reviewed and compared with that in other countries. Finally, good international practices are proposed for China’s policy development. It is found that adaptation has been given the same priority as mitigation since the twenty-first century with regard to climate change-related actions. The topics related to adaptation in the international climate change negotiations under the UNFCCC have evolved from mechanisms for finance and technology development and transfer exclusively in the early stages to implementation of practical adaptation programs and actions. Since 2006, major developed and developing countries have frequently set forward specific CCA policies or general climate change policies involving adaptation in the form of laws, frameworks, strategies, and plans. The LDCs have also been working on National Adaptation Programmes of Action and subsequent National Adaptation Plans with the support from the financial mechanisms under the UNFCCC. Therefore, globally, it has become a common practice to develop national or regional policies to plan and guide CCA actions. China has established climate change policies involving adaptation at the national, regional, and sectorial levels since 2007. However, these policies have strong limitations in their knowledge base, strategic positioning, contents, and implementation mechanisms, e.g. lack of a sound knowledge base, an international perspective, clear responsibilities for policy implementation, and appropriate monitoring and evaluation mechanisms. It is recommended that China should further strengthen its technical capabilities in climate change projections as well as impact, vulnerability, and risk assessment, and develop methodologies and techniques for the preparation, impact assessment and implementation of CCA policies. Furthermore, future CCA strategies or plans should be developed with an emphasis on China’s vision and strategic position on the world stage.     

The new geometry of climate governance

ABSTRACT

Scholars and practitioners have focused in recent years on the potential for achieving cooperation in small “clubs” of countries. While solutions to global climate change will eventually require widespread cooperation, club strategies could help to catalyze that outcome. Unlike the Paris Agreement, which has achieved widespread but relatively shallow cooperation, it could be easier to tailor agreements that allow deep cooperation within smaller groups. This essay extends that logic to clubs whose geometry varies two-dimensionally across countries but also along a third dimension: within countries. Most of the key elements of international relations and international law theory that explain how clubs achieve cooperation are directly applicable to three-dimensional clubs. Most of the relevant experience for these clubs has occurred in the west; overdue is a close assessment of how key units – such as provinces and firms – within China and other emerging economies.