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1.
After the end of the Cold War, the Baltic Sea Region (BSR) developed into a highly dynamic area of cross-border cooperation and transnational networking. Three forms of governance beyond the nation state and appropriate case studies are presented here: (1) the Helsinki Convention as an international regime; (2) Baltic 21, the world's first regional Agenda 21, as an international policy network; (3) the Union of the Baltic Cities (UBC) as a transnational network. The achievement of sustainable development in the BSR undoubtedly requires a fruitful combination of national governance and these forms of international and transnational governance. In this respect, international policy networks, such as Baltic 21, and transnational networks, such as the UBC, promise to provide new approaches that can complement international and intergovernmental cooperation between nation states. Furthermore, it must also be taken into account that governance in the BSR will soon become embedded in European governance and lead to the Europeanisation of the Baltic Sea Area.  相似文献   

2.
From a state-centric view, sub-national level of participation at the international level can be only feasible if it is an active part of national policy. In the case of Shiga prefectural government's initiative for international lake-environmental cooperation, however, sub-national actors came to see themselves as direct players in the absence of national policy. This study examines under what conditions and in what ways such sub-national level of participation takes place by conducting a case study of Shiga's collaboration with the United Nations Environmental Programme (UNEP) over lake-environment risk reduction. The article finds that the process of Shiga's participation in transnational governance will have less chance of being duplicated effectively in other Japanese sub-national governments. Shiga's cooperation with the UNEP was primarily driven by the ad hoc bottom-up political mobilisation of the sub-national actors. In general, without institutionalised channels for sub-national governments to participate in the regional/international level, sub-national governments need to mobilise resources on such an ad hoc basis and only pioneering sub-national actors are capable of effectively engaged on unfamiliar territory with the formation process of transnational governance.  相似文献   

3.
While scholars have showed a long-standing interest for how to design effective environmental treaties and other international agreements, less interest has been paid to implementation phases of these agreements. This article takes the Eutrophication Segment in the Baltic Sea Action Plan as an example of a regional effort to reduce nutrient leakages, where national reporting of adopted strategies has been a key mechanism to improve implementation effectiveness. It is shown that although transnational collective action theory is a powerful tool to analyse underlying drivers and priorities in state implementation policies, a deeper analysis of domestic and external constraints can shed additional light on observed implementation gaps. Varying views among countries on, for example, the role of stakeholder participation, legitimacy and top-down governing versus multi-stakeholder governance approaches may comprise domestic constraints that make effective and efficient implementation problematic. In terms of external constraints, states’ balancing of action plan objectives versus other international commitments, such as other environmental treaties and EU Directives, is shown to potentially reduce implementation efficiency as well.  相似文献   

4.
ABSTRACT

Theories of reflexive governance are closely linked with the claim that more traditional modes of coordination have been replaced by networked structures, allowing reflexivity to emerge and reflexive learning to function as a steering mechanism in rapidly changing policy contexts. This paper explores this connection between reflexivity, governance, learning and networks in societal transitions, focusing particularly on the claim that networks will deliver reflexive learning. Using network theories from both policy networks and network governance and a case study of the Canadian agricultural biotechnology (agbiotech) policy network, it suggests that the kind of learning produced in networks will be a function of network structure. In particular, higher order reflexive learning will be compromised by the inevitability of the political struggle for nodality or central place in networks and the ensuing distribution of opportunities for bridging and bonding activities. Networks such as the Canadian agbiotech policy network that may promote learning but not necessarily reflexive learning are increasingly disadvantaged in contemporary policy settings.  相似文献   

5.
Climate change policies are informed by contributions from public, private and civil society organisations at a range of scales from the local to the global. Such policy formation has come to be termed multilevel governance. Transnational networks of local authorities are an emerging feature of multilevel governance and they have been heralded as a means to improve the implementation of climate change policy on the ground. However empirical evaluation of these transnational climate change networks is geographically limited and no research examining their impact in Ireland has been conducted. In response this paper considers the significance of European climate change networks within Ireland's climate change strategy. It concludes that these formal transnational networks have had limited impact to date due to ongoing negotiations about the politics of scale and responsibility with respect to climate change policies in Ireland.  相似文献   

6.
As part of the debate on the legitimacy of governance networks in global environmental politics, this article investigates the conditions under which policy solutions can be transferred worldwide as a result of a particular type of interaction within transnational expert networks and technical committees. To this end, the article hypothesises that policy solutions can be legitimised in governance networks meeting four cumulative criteria: participation, flexibility, horizontality and inclusiveness. This hypothesis is then tested by means of two heuristic case studies dedicated to the worldwide transfer of environmental standards via United Nations specialized agencies. The empirical work partly strengthens the validity of the hypothesis but also underscores the limits of legitimation strategies in the face of strong heterogeneity of interests. In such cases, environmental policy networks may adopt fairly “vertical” features and resort to classical bargaining and constraint strategies whereby compromises are exchanged and power asymmetries are mobilised.  相似文献   

7.
ABSTRACT

Reflexive governance can be understood as an emergent encapsulated trust-building corporatism where network participants are neither state functionaries nor market entrepreneurs but network reciproqueteurs. This paper argues that such reflexive network governance results in a post-regulatory corporatism (PRC)—a more adaptable, less formalized, and flexible mode of interest intermediation, policy-making, and policy-implementation than previous modes of corporatist intermediation. Functional differentiation processes engender ‘negotiated connected contracts' in rescaled space in between inter-regional assemblages, a mode of structurally coupling new social partners in the emergent transnational knowledge-based economy. This involves the building of new social capital of network trust-building manifested in the norms of reciprocity and reflexive law constituted as a new mode of protocolism: one associated with the social learning and policy designing necessary for ecological systems' autopoeisis, resilience, and sustainability. This paper conceptualizes reflexive network governance as protocolism in constellations of PRC and discusses examples from the area of environmental policy-making. PRC is understood as a new mode of negotiated rule-making: as a recursive protocolism of multi-stakeholder social pacts constituted by frame agreements and negotiated connected network contracts.  相似文献   

8.
ABSTRACT

The Norwegian urban growth agreement (UGA) is a governance platform combining transport-infrastructure development with land-use and transport policy. It is a policy package of measures involving network cooperation between national, regional and local government levels established to coordinate transport and land-use development. Shared responsibility for goal achievement, autonomy and learning and adaptation as new knowledge and experience arise are clear prerequisites for the UGAs. This makes it relevant to investigate the conditions for the UGAs to work as an adaptive governance strategy because their central features are in line with the attributes of adaptive governance. Further, adaptive governance is an approach to handle complex problems like transport development issues. The study shows that UGAs have several strengths in terms of autonomy and learning. However, the multi-level cooperation in the UGAs is framed by complex underlying structures of roles and powers, which challenge the working and legitimacy of the governance structures. Multi-level adaptive governance processes like the UGAs require attention to issues of power and legitimacy. Securing transparency and democratic anchorage is paramount in bringing such processes in line with the intended benefits of adaptive governance.  相似文献   

9.
Faith-based organizations (FBOs) have played a significant role in environment-related forms of development and governance in Melanesia, including the Solomon Islands. Yet despite their centrality, there remain significant gaps in understandings of processes and outcomes associated with FBO engagement in environment-related development interventions. This paper addresses this gap by analysing the place of the Christian Fellowship Church (CFC), an indigenous FBO active in plantation forestry (and other activities) in the Western Province in the Solomon Islands. We find that the CFC possesses impressive income-generating potential and political networks; however this does not always translate into positive social, economic or environmental outcomes at the village level. While FBOs such as CFC are often championed as playing an important role in environmental governance in an under-resourced nation state, the reality is that they can fall well short in delivering appropriate outcomes for poor communities or the environment despite, and because of, their close ties to target communities.  相似文献   

10.
在府际层面构建环境治理网络是实现区域可持续发展的必要保障,以往研究缺乏对异质性结构下的强度网络特征的关注,难以揭示地方政府治理网络的深层运作规律。基于府际合作的结构逻辑和工具逻辑,本文从“结构—特征”的二维视角构建了府际合作网络的交互分析框架。在结构上,考察上级政府参与下的纵向合作和城市间自主性横向协作网络演变;在特征上,构建府际合作强度模型,进而形成数量网络和强度网络。通过以长三角城市群2011—2019年的环境治理实践为研究样本,本文发现,基于数量的合作网络中,长三角城市群环境治理形成了纵向权威力量参与下的集体行动与横向小范围自主协作相互嵌合的合作机制;基于强度的合作网络中,上海都市圈和南京都市圈是两大强度重心区域,上级政府参与的纵向合作制约力更强,行政干预是目前地方政府环境治理集体行动得以深入发展的重要推进力量。  相似文献   

11.
ABSTRACT

In the climate and land use fields, policy mixes are complex in terms of the levels of governance, actors, and roles. They consist of policy instruments that target different actors and address multiple goals across several policy sectors and levels. The analysis of these complex arrangements extends beyond purely technical efficiency criteria, as several sources of tension between instruments may be identified, such as conflicting interests, goals, and approaches to implementation. The proliferation of governance networks complicates the understanding of actors’ interactions, the types of authority influencing the outcomes of policy mixes, and importance of different levels of governance. This article provides a framework to address these analytical challenges, particularly the interconnected networks of policy actors and policy instruments. It draws on polycentric governance literature to analyse how power matters in policy networks. This includes identifying distinct types of power, actors’ position, and variables that explain patterns of conflict, competition, convergence, and divergence in policy choices and outcomes. The framework is applied to the climate and land use policies implemented in the state of Mato Grosso, Brazil. Several methods were used to clarify these variables and to characterise policy mixes being implemented in the region, including social network analysis.  相似文献   

12.
To handle the challenge of complex cross-sector and multilevel coordination in the implementation of the European Union Water Framework Directive, Norway has established multilevel governance networks. Observers have pointed to a risk of such governance arrangements being dominated by experts. This article studies the highly complex multilevel governance networks of water management in Norway, and unveils the importance of political anchorage of such governance networks at local and regional levels. The study finds evidence that political anchorage matters for further network achievements. Because the water governance networks are subordinated to the hierarchy of government, they need to ‘talk to' the system of hierarchical government in order to be effective. In this regard, it seems crucial that networks are politically anchored. Furthermore, the study unveils the important role of political leadership and network managers in ensuring political anchorage.  相似文献   

13.
ABSTRACT

Transparency in environmental governance is no longer an uncontroversial answer to problems of accountability and effectiveness. How to design effective transparency systems and in what policy contexts they are effective remain contested issues. This special section, consisting of this introduction and four research articles, interrogates complex and potentially conflicting links between transparency, accountability, empowerment and effectiveness in environmental governance. Building on existing literature and the four contributions, we discuss persisting diversity in varieties of transparency, the evolving dynamics of commodity chain transparency, and the consequences of emerging novel forms of digitalized transparency. As we show, the contributions to this special section interrogate in novel ways the transformative potential of transparency, through shedding light on the performative effects of transparency in ever more complex environmental governance contexts. These contexts may include, inter alia, the growing ubiquity of traceability in transnational commodity chains, the need for ever more anticipatory (ex-ante) forms of environmental governance, and an ever-broadening quest for digitally monitored environments. In particular, the impacts of the real-time ‘radical’ transparency engendered by use of novel digital technologies remain under-analyzed in the sustainability domain. We conclude by raising several critical concerns that deserve further scientific research and policy debate.  相似文献   

14.
Two substantive bodies of research have developed in recent years, both of which have a focus upon local and regional scales. First, there has been the development of work on changing forms of local and regional governance. This has drawn on a range of theoretical perspectives, including notions of institutional capacity, urban regime theory and neo-regulationalist accounts. Second, a body of research has developed into environmental policy and sustainable development, but this has largely been normative and undertheorized. While these two bodies of literature have developed separately, we believe there is merit in bringing the insights from each together. A focus on local environmental policy helps to broaden our understanding of local governance and problems of after-Fordist regulation. Such a project also helps to illuminate problems in implementing policy on the environment and sustainability. The examination of changing local and regional forms of governance allows us to identify new state spaces, which may provide opportunities for the strategic insertion of environmental objectives into economic development policies. This paper seeks to theorize such environment–economy relations and emerging multi-scalar forms of environmental governance, drawing upon case study research work in six UK local authority areas. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

15.
International forestry governance is an integral part of the global policy debates on how to prevent deforestation, illicit extraction, and unsustainable timber practices. Africa is an important producer of timber, yet the region is beset by a lack of capacity and other governance challenges in the management of its forestry sector. We employ a network governance analysis to examine the extent to which the evolution and operation of the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) and la Commission des Forêts d'Afrique Centrale (COMIFAC) have addressed governance challenges. We assess the strengths and weaknesses of these two leading examples of international forestry governance by introducing recent evidence and insights from Africa. We conclude with a policy‐relevant discussion of how the FSC and COMIFAC might enhance authority, legitimacy, and effectiveness and improve forestry governance in Africa and other parts of the world.  相似文献   

16.
气候金融是全球气候治理的重要基础和关键要素。国际政治局势的变动和《巴黎协定》的签订使得全球气候治理格局发生了重大转变。文章基于这一时代背景和国际气候金融发展趋势,从气候金融政策发展、气候金融机构及其产品和服务、气候金融风险管理三个角度梳理中国气候金融发展现状和内外部障碍。基于此,文章提出了气候金融发展的中国应对策略,认为应健全政策体系,加强国际合作;扩大金融供给,完善行业体系;健全法规约束,提升管理水平。  相似文献   

17.
正2020年9月22日,国家主席习近平在第七十五届联合国大会一般性辩论上发表重要讲话,承诺我国将提高国家自主贡献力度,采取更有力的政策和措施,二氧化碳排放力争于2030年前达到峰值,于2060年前实现碳中和。实现"双碳"目标的关键在于控制化石能源消费,而能源是经济发展的物质基础,节能降碳措施将为我国经济发展带来显著压力。今后一段时间内,我国将面临节能减排与后疫情重建的双重挑战,亟须开展相关理论与实证研究,为绿色低碳发展提供科学依据。  相似文献   

18.
The scale, duration and intensity of conflicts over mineral resources vary greatly. However, they always involve, in varying proportions, the triad stakeholder model—corporation, state, community—each element of which is internally heterogeneous. Increasingly, new players are entering the scene: international non-governmental organizations (NGOs), environmental grassroots groups, indigenous transnational networks, international aid and development agencies. Nevertheless, conflicts and arrangements around access to and control over mineral resources can take the apparent form of dyadic relationships between companies and local communities, resulting in negotiated company-community agreements, often called “Impact and Benefit Agreements” (IBAs). In our analysis, local agreements on mineral resource governance are seen as building blocks in the production of mining policy “from below”, even though they seem at first sight to exclude the state. This paper argues that these agreements, and the negotiations surrounding them, inform debates around mining through both “horizontal diffusion” (influence on other localities facing similar situations) and “vertical diffusion” (influence on policy design and implementation at upper political and administrative levels). This diffusion may occur in a “positive” sense, effecting further change in line with the intent of the original agreement, or in a “negative” one, actually making substantive change less likely, whether at a community or policy level. We build this argument through two case studies from New Caledonia, in the south-west Pacific, where mining has long been a key issue, especially in the current context of “negotiated decolonization” launched by the 1998 Nouméa Accord.  相似文献   

19.
欧美诸国近年来相继推行的“供应链法”是完善跨国公司环境治理机制的新路径,但存在侵犯主权独立等诸多隐忧。本文以加强跨国公司环境治理为出发点,探讨了跨国公司母国“供应链法”域外适用机制的理论依据及实践经验。并从我国立场出发提出,鉴于“环境权”与“其他人权”存在法理差异及避免政治争议考量,我国学者和相关企业应当在国际层面积极呼吁将环境问题与其他人权问题分开处理。同时,我国相关部门应当吸取“供应链法”域外适用机制的有利经验,实现从行业协会引导到政府部门主导,从软法到硬法,逐步建立和完善我国跨国公司治理的国内法域外适用机制。最后,我国主管部门应当尽早颁行《阻断外国法律与措施不当域外适用办法》的配套实施机制,以期将他国法律政治化域外适用对我国主权的不利影响降至最低。  相似文献   

20.
本文用国际可持续发展研究的新成果和国际通用语言解读生态文明,从理论、战略、治理三个方面进行探索性的讨论,提出深化生态文明的思考和建言。首先,从对象、过程、主体三个维度概述最近十年国际可持续发展研究的重要新成果新思想,指出其对理解和深化生态文明可能有的启示。其次,基于生态文明是经济社会发展与资源环境消耗脱钩的新认识,对中国未来从2020到2050年生态文明建设的情景、路径与策略做出战略层面的分析与研讨。最后,提出后2020五年规划编制中加强面向生态文明的合作治理的建议,包括深耕包含模型、加强政府间的合作和整合、加强公私间的界面管理、鼓励公民参与和培育生态文明的新伦理新人格等。  相似文献   

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